South Sudan

Yassir Arman How we should look at the relationship between the two Sudans Yasir Arman Should we look at the relationship between the two states of Sudan through a keyhole or from the broader perspective of history, geography, culture and mutual interests? I dedicate this contribution to martyrs and friends, and especially to our leader Dr John Garang De Mabior, Yousif Kuwa Mekki, Mohamed Juma Nail, Hashim Abubakr, Mohamed Ahmed Omar Al Haboub, Yasir Jafar Al Sanhouri, Abdelbaset Al Adnani, David Majok Mac, Lol Chol, the well-known singer of the Belfam battalion, Bona Obec Nyuela, Isaac Tut Dhier, Dr Justin Yac Arop, Clement Katinga, Gilo Agada, David Nari, Jok Dum, Mabuto Mayen, Malwal Biong, Koul Deng Koul (Suk), Daud Yahya Bolad, Scopos Lubro Kenyi, Lewis Al Yardou, Peire Okeruk, Abd Al Hamid Abbas and Rafat Rahmatallah. They are just a few of my many departed friends who were martyred. They wrote a new history of relations between the two Sudans and these are seeds that must grow and yield results for the benefit of the two peoples. From those who are still with us, I dedicate this to Dr Mansour Khalid with warm affection. By Yasir Arman At the start, let me express my gratitude to the newspaper Al Watan and to my friend Michael Christopher for this great initiative. I salute all the leaders and ministers involved and everyone who took part in this seminar entitled “Peace in Sudan and its effect on the stability of South Sudan”. We learned from our communities and some of our teachers in school and in public life that South and North Sudan occupy the same place in our hearts and minds. Our love for the two Sudans is everlasting and we will always have a joint task now and in the future to build strategic relations between the two countries. We cannot afford to forget this task. Let me take this opportunity to thank the Mediation and the Government of the Republic of South Sudan for hosting the Sudan peace talks in their capital city, Juba. It is a historical event that will strengthen and improve bilateral relations between the two countries. The historical contradictions which have characterised relations between Northern and Southern Sudan and which later extended to the two Sudans are rooted in the depths of history and in the issues of nation-building which Sudan has encountered since 1956 and long before and which the two Sudans continue to face today. We believe that peace in the two Sudans and its effect on them, as well as on the region and the world, is the right theme for today’s seminar and that each country will contribute to peace in the other, even if the peace process has different features in each country. The current peace processes in Sudan and South Sudan and the contribution being made to them by the leadership of both countries will not only have a significant impact on stability but should also be extended to our ongoing efforts to create a new relationship that enables us to recover slowly from our troubled past and benefit from our historical, geographical and cultural links, blood ties and mutual interest in achieving strategic relations, leading eventually to a Sudanese Union between two independent sovereign states. We should not take a narrow view of relations between Sudan and South Sudan. This relationship is much broader than that and has deep roots in the history of the Nile Valley civilisation. Without considering the historical and cultural links between the two peoples, there will be something missing in our efforts to achieve a paradigm shift in this relationship in a manner that is truly consistent with our mutual interests, our links, our blood ties, geography, history and culture. If we want to move forward, we need to see where we have come from in order to understand where we are going to. Sudanism still exists and has not been erased by international borders between the two countries. It is the umbilical cord of relations between North and South Sudan. Despite the fact that we are now in a different situation and live in two countries, most of us still believe in Sudanism and long for the Sudan that no longer exists today and for the strategic links between the two countries that are dictated by current and historical interests. We can see this clearly just as Michelangelo saw an exquisite statue in a block of marble and trimmed off excess material before he began to carve the statue itself. Creating strategic relations between the two countries will not happen without difficulties like a sculpture hewn from rock. But it is possible and necessary to do this just like Michelangelo created his statue from a block of raw marble. The Sudan peace talks in Juba offer another opportunity to correct the historical mistakes in Sudanese politics which led to the secession of South Sudan and to pursue a new National Project within Sudan and between the two Sudans. Juba itself is an open history book of the mistakes made by the centre of the Sudanese state in Khartoum. If we had dealt wisely in the past with the issues of nation-building, we should not have needed a visa to come to Juba. Hovering around us in this hall in Juba are the spirits of Benjamin Loki, the leader of the Liberal Party, who came from Lainya and whose constituency was several miles from Juba, Father Saterlino Ohure from Eastern Equatoria, Frank Wel Garang from Wau in Bahr el Ghazal and Buth Diu and Bullen Alier from Upper Nile. They addressed issues of nation-building in bold and strong speeches in the First Parliament (1954-58). These uncles of ours were sublime and, if we had listened to them, we would not be in this position today. Frank Wel Garang said that they did not have any bad or ill intention towards Sudan but that, without responding to the demands of the Southerners, the South would leave Sudan just as Pakistan had left India. He went on to say that, unless things were to go well in Southern Sudan, they would never go well in Sudan. Peace in Sudan still faces the same old and renewed dilemmas of how to reach a credible process of nation-building based on equal citizenship without discrimination. So the contribution of the Republic of South Sudan is not only necessary for the stability of South Sudan but is also important for the Sudanese story itself and to avoid the mistakes of the past, including correcting fatal political mistakes between the two Sudans and restoring strategic relations between them with good faith and a clear vision for achieving peace in both countries. The importance of hosting the Sudan peace talks in Juba is driven by the importance of the relationship between the two countries. South Sudan is the only country in the region which has an organic geographical relationship with the three regions where there are wars in Sudan (Blue Nile, South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Darfur). South Sudan is connected by the Nile, history, culture, values, interests, borders, national security and a common future with Sudan. The current peace process is an opportunity to transform the catastrophe in relations between the two states into an asset and to transform secession into a Sudanese Union between two independent states. The borders of the two countries are not separated by natural phenomena like a sea or an ocean. On the contrary, there are more than 10 million pastoralists on the borders of the two Sudans. This border was linked in the past to river, rail and road transport and extends more than 2,018 kilometres. It represents an important border for national security in both countries and is perhaps equivalent in length to the international borders between South Sudan and its other neighbours. South Sudan used to import more than 137 different commodities from Sudan, just as the products of South Sudan, which has a climate similar to East Africa, will find a welcome market in Sudan and the Middle East. We should restore river, road and rail transport links so that the economies of both countries will prosper. The two Sudans have more than 140 million feddan of arable land and the largest animal resources in the African continent. What we are lacking is the vision to establish strategic relations on a new foundation. The fate of each country could impact seriously on the fate of the other, be it prosperity or collapse, and it is up to them to make sure that they prosper rather than collapse. The project of the New Sudan, which first emerged from South Sudan, is another intellectual resource for linking the two countries. It is another currency that can be a medium of exchange and intellectual commonality as the glorious December Revolution, in one of its key slogans, called for building a New Sudan. Economics, security, defence and correct parameters of nation-building are the agenda for both Sudans and it is possible to develop them into a Sudanese Union between both countries. There is indeed great potential for the Sudanese Union to develop into a regional union that includes Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, Eritrea, Kenya, Libya, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo. A Sudanese Union would contribute to improving African-Arab relations and would increase the chances of prosperity in the region and in Africa. South Sudan’s biggest asset is its people and culture. Moreover, it also has a bigger geographical area than Uganda, Rwanda and Kenya put together. If we stand back and look at the two Sudans from the perspective of their geographical size rather than through the keyhole, we see that they have the biggest area in the whole of Africa. The future of the two countries lies in their huge agricultural area and arable land. What clearly shows the importance of agriculture is that expert studies have concluded that three countries – Canada, Australia and the two Sudans – can provide food for the whole population of the world. The wars that have taken place in the two Sudans have been at the expense of the future of their populations. The two countries have a combined population of no more than 50 million people, whereas their land area is enough for more than 500 million people. So wars pose a threat to the population’s strategic existence and strategic interests. Peace and progress towards a new democratic national project based on equal citizenship is the main issue in the peace process. In our meetings these days with the Forces for Freedom and Change, I suggested that the Sudan Revolutionary Front, the Forces for Freedom and Change and the Mediation should go and visit the tomb of Obaid Haj Al Amin in Wau, who is one of the most important leaders of the 1924 White Flag Revolution. We are on the threshold of the one-hundredth anniversary of this great 1924 Revolution, which represents our national, symbolic and historical capital and heritage and the social roots of many of its leaders were both from the North and the South. The revolution was led by Ali Abdel Latif, who spent many years in prison-like our icon of change and struggle, Nelson Mandela, and by Abdul Fadil Al Maz who led the Second River War and who was martyred at the age of 28. As Obaid Al Haj Al Amin is buried in Wau, Abdul Fadil al Maz in Khartoum and Ali Abd Al Latif in Cairo, the Nile and its tributaries embrace them all. The absence of Southerners has made Sudan like tasteless food. Southerners also miss, to a large extent, the warmth of relations which connected them to the North. Our relations did not just revolve around war but there were more human aspects based on history, culture and blood ties and many good things despite the ugliness of war. But even the war, if we start to write its history, brought out many common human values. Our humanity was reflected in some aspects of the worst human phenomenon, which is war. How many brave men and women joined the battlefield from both sides! We should build on their courage to develop a new strategic relationship. The Sudanese state after independence gained many of its national resources in the fields of culture, music, the arts, the military, professionals, technicians, nursing, education and services from the contribution of talented Southern Sudanese. There are talented people in both countries who could contribute to the prosperity of both countries if a meaningful strategic relationship is established between them. One of the most important things about the mediation of the Republic of South Sudan in the Sudan peace talks is that South Sudan does not have an agenda to damage Sudan’s national interests. South Sudan’s interests lie in exporting its oil and managing to resolve its own internal wars. Sudan has a lot of experience and experts in many fields who could contribute to state and institution-building in the Republic of South Sudan and Northern Sudanese are also closest to the social psychology of the Southerners. Through their relations with each other, the two Sudans can consolidate independence and sovereignty in both states. As for the global economic landscape and exploitation within the nation-state, the leading intellectual Joseph Garang, who was Minister for Southern Affairs in the early period of Nimeiri’s Government and author of the booklet “The Dilemma of the Southern Intellectual”, in one of his perceptive sayings, compared those who escaped from national exploitation to global exploitation to “someone who escapes from a den of hyenas to find himself in a den of lions”. Consequently, the two Sudans need each other if they are to confront this troubled world and projects for global exploitation. European countries have fought wars with each other and, in the Second World War which ended in 1945, no one could have imagined that France and Germany would join a single European Union. Today you can go from Spain to the borders of Turkey with a single visa. Although individual European countries have different democratic governance systems, there is one European political and economic area, and borders do not present any impediment to movement. If European countries, developed as they are, have established a European Union, it is all the more necessary for us to establish a Sudanese Union and the current peace talks have an important role to play in achieving this. Redefining Sudan’s National Project and achieving sustainable peace in Sudan call for lessons to be learnt from the two biggest events that Sudan has witnessed: the secession of the South and genocide. The Sudan peace talks in Juba therefore have a deep meaning and significance for Sudanese and are a catalyst for achieving a new National Project. During the wars in South Sudan, it was remarkable that millions of displaced Southerners headed northwards. This trend was driven by shared values and cultural links, blood ties, history and geography and the Nile has always played a significant role. Today, refugees from both Sudans all go to the other country. This movement of IDPs and refugees reflects the need for strategic relations between the two countries. The common history and the participation of many Northerners on the side of the Southerners in the last war (1983-2005), especially from the Two Areas Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile), is an additional important reason for building a strategic relationship because this area provides an organic link between the two countries. The border area is an area of human intermingling and the most beautiful place for building a Sudanese Union. In the last 32 years, there has never been a better opportunity for peace in Sudan than the one that exists today. The good news is that Juba is playing an active role in this. What happens now presents big opportunities as well as challenges and concerns. Boosting peace in both Sudans would be an added value and would reflect progress and stability in both countries. We call for the holding of an inclusive conference for active forces in both countries to promote a joint vision for a Sudanese Union and the establishment of political, economic and cultural institutions to support this concept. We have been an advocate of a Sudanese Union since South Sudan’s independence in 2011. When the last Framework Agreement between the Transitional Government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement-North/Sudan Revolutionary Front was signed on 24 January 2020, President Salva Kiir Mayardit mentioned, in response to my call for a Sudanese Union, that he is in support of strategic relations and that he dreamed of seeing security and peace prevail in both countries. He mentioned that, in earlier times, vehicles carrying goods used to travel safely from Dongola in the far North of Sudan to Yei in the far South of South Sudan without encountering any obstacles. He called for this situation to be restored. This represents an important call. Finally, the one thing I want to achieve in my future political work and to which I will devote my remaining effort, energy and time is to contribute humbly to establishing a Sudanese Union between the two Sudans as independent sovereign states. Many thanks and appreciation

Sudan: More Than 1.2 Million Returnees Face Displacement and Humanitarian Needs August 24, 2026 KHARTOUM, Sudan — More than 1.24 million Sudanese have returned to the country from neighbouring states since 2024, but many remain unable to reach their intended destinations, according to a new report by the UN Refugee Agency (UNHCR). The report indicates that more than 45% of returnees have not yet reached the areas where they ultimately intend to settle, highlighting the continuing impact of insecurity, displacement and humanitarian constraints across Sudan. Egypt accounts for the largest number of returns Egypt recorded the largest share of cross-border returns, with approximately 823,000 movements, followed by South Sudan with 223,000 and Chad with 103,000. Despite continued insecurity, approximately 72% of surveyed returnees said they intend to return to their original homes. However, significant gaps remain between intended destinations and current locations. Khartoum State was identified as the intended destination by 59% of returnees, but only 34% had reached the capital. Meanwhile, Al Jazirah State currently hosts about 35% of returnees, although only 11% identified it as their intended destination. Blue Nile State hosts approximately 9%, while Northern State and River Nile State account for 5% and 4%, respectively. Protection and border challenges The UNHCR report also highlights the difficult circumstances many returnees experienced before coming back to Sudan. Nearly 49% of surveyed returnees had sought asylum in their countries of departure. Among those who returned, 41% cited protection concerns abroad, while 45% reported lengthy delays in border processing as factors affecting their return. These findings underline the complex protection environment facing Sudanese refugees and asylum seekers, particularly those attempting to cross borders while seeking safety and access to basic services. Humanitarian needs remain severe Financial assistance is identified as the most urgent need among returnees across Sudan, with as many as 96% of respondents identifying cash or financial support as a priority. Other major needs include: Food assistance; Healthcare and medicines; Clean and safe drinking water; Emergency and long-term shelter; Civil documentation; Family reunification; and Protection for women and children. The lack of civil documentation presents an additional challenge, potentially limiting returnees' access to essential services, housing, employment and other forms of assistance. Return does not necessarily mean durable reintegration The UNHCR findings demonstrate that the return of more than one million Sudanese does not necessarily represent a durable solution to displacement. Many returnees remain stranded away from their intended homes, while insecurity and limited access to essential services continue to influence where they can live. The scale of the movement also places substantial pressure on communities that are receiving large numbers of displaced and returning populations. Humanitarian agencies and national authorities face the continuing challenge of supporting returnees while also addressing the needs of internally displaced people and other vulnerable populations affected by Sudan's prolonged conflict. Conclusion The return of more than 1.24 million Sudanese since 2024 marks a significant population movement, but the UNHCR findings show that many returnees still face serious barriers to achieving safe and sustainable reintegration. For many, the immediate priority is not simply returning to Sudan but reaching their intended homes safely, accessing basic services, obtaining documentation, reuniting with family members and rebuilding their livelihoods. Continued humanitarian assistance, protection monitoring and support for voluntary, safe and dignified return will remain critical as Sudanese communities seek to recover amid persistent insecurity and displacement.

How we should look at the relationship between the two Sudans By @Yasir Arman Should we look at the relationship between the two states of Sudan through a keyhole or from the broader perspective of history, geography, culture and mutual interests? I dedicate this contribution to martyrs and friends, and especially to our leader Dr John Garang De Mabior, Yousif Kuwa Mekki, Mohamed Juma Nail, Hashim Abubakr, Mohamed Ahmed Omar Al Haboub, Yasir Jafar Al Sanhouri, Abdelbaset Al Adnani, David Majok Mac, Lol Chol, the well-known singer of the Belfam battalion, Bona Obec Nyuela, Isaac Tut Dhier, Dr Justin Yac Arop, Clement Katinga, Gilo Agada, David Nari, Jok Dum, Mabuto Mayen, Malwal Biong, Koul Deng Koul (Suk), Daud Yahya Bolad, Scopos Lubro Kenyi, Lewis Al Yardou, Peire Okeruk, Abd Al Hamid Abbas and Rafat Rahmatallah. They are just a few of my many departed friends who were martyred. They wrote a new history of relations between the two Sudans and these are seeds that must grow and yield results for the benefit of the two peoples. From those who are still with us, I dedicate this to Dr Mansour Khalid with warm affection. By Yasir Arman At the start, let me express my gratitude to the newspaper Al Watan and to my friend Michael Christopher for this great initiative. I salute all the leaders and ministers involved and everyone who took part in this seminar entitled “Peace in Sudan and its effect on the stability of South Sudan”. We learned from our communities and some of our teachers in school and in public life that South and North Sudan occupy the same place in our hearts and minds. Our love for the two Sudans is everlasting and we will always have a joint task now and in the future to build strategic relations between the two countries. We cannot afford to forget this task. Let me take this opportunity to thank the Mediation and the Government of the Republic of South Sudan for hosting the Sudan peace talks in their capital city, Juba. It is a historical event that will strengthen and improve bilateral relations between the two countries. The historical contradictions which have characterised relations between Northern and Southern Sudan and which later extended to the two Sudans are rooted in the depths of history and in the issues of nation-building which Sudan has encountered since 1956 and long before and which the two Sudans continue to face today. We believe that peace in the two Sudans and its effect on them, as well as on the region and the world, is the right theme for today’s seminar and that each country will contribute to peace in the other, even if the peace process has different features in each country. The current peace processes in Sudan and South Sudan and the contribution being made to them by the leadership of both countries will not only have a significant impact on stability but should also be extended to our ongoing efforts to create a new relationship that enables us to recover slowly from our troubled past and benefit from our historical, geographical and cultural links, blood ties and mutual interest in achieving strategic relations, leading eventually to a Sudanese Union between two independent sovereign states. We should not take a narrow view of relations between Sudan and South Sudan. This relationship is much broader than that and has deep roots in the history of the Nile Valley civilisation. Without considering the historical and cultural links between the two peoples, there will be something missing in our efforts to achieve a paradigm shift in this relationship in a manner that is truly consistent with our mutual interests, our links, our blood ties, geography, history and culture. If we want to move forward, we need to see where we have come from in order to understand where we are going to. Sudanism still exists and has not been erased by international borders between the two countries. It is the umbilical cord of relations between North and South Sudan. Despite the fact that we are now in a different situation and live in two countries, most of us still believe in Sudanism and long for the Sudan that no longer exists today and for the strategic links between the two countries that are dictated by current and historical interests. We can see this clearly just as Michelangelo saw an exquisite statue in a block of marble and trimmed off excess material before he began to carve the statue itself. Creating strategic relations between the two countries will not happen without difficulties like a sculpture hewn from rock. But it is possible and necessary to do this just like Michelangelo created his statue from a block of raw marble. The Sudan peace talks in Juba offer another opportunity to correct the historical mistakes in Sudanese politics which led to the secession of South Sudan and to pursue a new National Project within Sudan and between the two Sudans. Juba itself is an open history book of the mistakes made by the centre of the Sudanese state in Khartoum. If we had dealt wisely in the past with the issues of nation-building, we should not have needed a visa to come to Juba. Hovering around us in this hall in Juba are the spirits of Benjamin Loki, the leader of the Liberal Party, who came from Lainya and whose constituency was several miles from Juba, Father Saterlino Ohure from Eastern Equatoria, Frank Wel Garang from Wau in Bahr el Ghazal and Buth Diu and Bullen Alier from Upper Nile. They addressed issues of nation-building in bold and strong speeches in the First Parliament (1954-58). These uncles of ours were sublime and, if we had listened to them, we would not be in this position today. Frank Wel Garang said that they did not have any bad or ill intention towards Sudan but that, without responding to the demands of the Southerners, the South would leave Sudan just as Pakistan had left India. He went on to say that, unless things were to go well in Southern Sudan, they would never go well in Sudan. Peace in Sudan still faces the same old and renewed dilemmas of how to reach a credible process of nation-building based on equal citizenship without discrimination. So the contribution of the Republic of South Sudan is not only necessary for the stability of South Sudan but is also important for the Sudanese story itself and to avoid the mistakes of the past, including correcting fatal political mistakes between the two Sudans and restoring strategic relations between them with good faith and a clear vision for achieving peace in both countries. The importance of hosting the Sudan peace talks in Juba is driven by the importance of the relationship between the two countries. South Sudan is the only country in the region which has an organic geographical relationship with the three regions where there are wars in Sudan (Blue Nile, South Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Darfur). South Sudan is connected by the Nile, history, culture, values, interests, borders, national security and a common future with Sudan. The current peace process is an opportunity to transform the catastrophe in relations between the two states into an asset and to transform secession into a Sudanese Union between two independent states. The borders of the two countries are not separated by natural phenomena like a sea or an ocean. On the contrary, there are more than 10 million pastoralists on the borders of the two Sudans. This border was linked in the past to river, rail and road transport and extends more than 2,018 kilometres. It represents an important border for national security in both countries and is perhaps equivalent in length to the international borders between South Sudan and its other neighbours. South Sudan used to import more than 137 different commodities from Sudan, just as the products of South Sudan, which has a climate similar to East Africa, will find a welcome market in Sudan and the Middle East. We should restore river, road and rail transport links so that the economies of both countries will prosper. The two Sudans have more than 140 million feddan of arable land and the largest animal resources in the African continent. What we are lacking is the vision to establish strategic relations on a new foundation. The fate of each country could impact seriously on the fate of the other, be it prosperity or collapse, and it is up to them to make sure that they prosper rather than collapse. The project of the New Sudan, which first emerged from South Sudan, is another intellectual resource for linking the two countries. It is another currency that can be a medium of exchange and intellectual commonality as the glorious December Revolution, in one of its key slogans, called for building a New Sudan. Economics, security, defence and correct parameters of nation-building are the agenda for both Sudans and it is possible to develop them into a Sudanese Union between both countries. There is indeed great potential for the Sudanese Union to develop into a regional union that includes Chad, Egypt, Ethiopia, Uganda, Eritrea, Kenya, Libya, the Central African Republic and the Democratic Republic of Congo. A Sudanese Union would contribute to improving African-Arab relations and would increase the chances of prosperity in the region and in Africa. South Sudan’s biggest asset is its people and culture. Moreover, it also has a bigger geographical area than Uganda, Rwanda and Kenya put together. If we stand back and look at the two Sudans from the perspective of their geographical size rather than through the keyhole, we see that they have the biggest area in the whole of Africa. The future of the two countries lies in their huge agricultural area and arable land. What clearly shows the importance of agriculture is that expert studies have concluded that three countries – Canada, Australia and the two Sudans – can provide food for the whole population of the world. The wars that have taken place in the two Sudans have been at the expense of the future of their populations. The two countries have a combined population of no more than 50 million people, whereas their land area is enough for more than 500 million people. So wars pose a threat to the population’s strategic existence and strategic interests. Peace and progress towards a new democratic national project based on equal citizenship is the main issue in the peace process. In our meetings these days with the Forces for Freedom and Change, I suggested that the Sudan Revolutionary Front, the Forces for Freedom and Change and the Mediation should go and visit the tomb of Obaid Haj Al Amin in Wau, who is one of the most important leaders of the 1924 White Flag Revolution. We are on the threshold of the one-hundredth anniversary of this great 1924 Revolution, which represents our national, symbolic and historical capital and heritage and the social roots of many of its leaders were both from the North and the South. The revolution was led by Ali Abdel Latif, who spent many years in prison-like our icon of change and struggle, Nelson Mandela, and by Abdul Fadil Al Maz who led the Second River War and who was martyred at the age of 28. As Obaid Al Haj Al Amin is buried in Wau, Abdul Fadil al Maz in Khartoum and Ali Abd Al Latif in Cairo, the Nile and its tributaries embrace them all. The absence of Southerners has made Sudan like tasteless food. Southerners also miss, to a large extent, the warmth of relations which connected them to the North. Our relations did not just revolve around war but there were more human aspects based on history, culture and blood ties and many good things despite the ugliness of war. But even the war, if we start to write its history, brought out many common human values. Our humanity was reflected in some aspects of the worst human phenomenon, which is war. How many brave men and women joined the battlefield from both sides! We should build on their courage to develop a new strategic relationship. The Sudanese state after independence gained many of its national resources in the fields of culture, music, the arts, the military, professionals, technicians, nursing, education and services from the contribution of talented Southern Sudanese. There are talented people in both countries who could contribute to the prosperity of both countries if a meaningful strategic relationship is established between them. One of the most important things about the mediation of the Republic of South Sudan in the Sudan peace talks is that South Sudan does not have an agenda to damage Sudan’s national interests. South Sudan’s interests lie in exporting its oil and managing to resolve its own internal wars. Sudan has a lot of experience and experts in many fields who could contribute to state and institution-building in the Republic of South Sudan and Northern Sudanese are also closest to the social psychology of the Southerners. Through their relations with each other, the two Sudans can consolidate independence and sovereignty in both states. As for the global economic landscape and exploitation within the nation-state, the leading intellectual Joseph Garang, who was Minister for Southern Affairs in the early period of Nimeiri’s Government and author of the booklet “The Dilemma of the Southern Intellectual”, in one of his perceptive sayings, compared those who escaped from national exploitation to global exploitation to “someone who escapes from a den of hyenas to find himself in a den of lions”. Consequently, the two Sudans need each other if they are to confront this troubled world and projects for global exploitation. European countries have fought wars with each other and, in the Second World War which ended in 1945, no one could have imagined that France and Germany would join a single European Union. Today you can go from Spain to the borders of Turkey with a single visa. Although individual European countries have different democratic governance systems, there is one European political and economic area, and borders do not present any impediment to movement. If European countries, developed as they are, have established a European Union, it is all the more necessary for us to establish a Sudanese Union and the current peace talks have an important role to play in achieving this. Redefining Sudan’s National Project and achieving sustainable peace in Sudan call for lessons to be learnt from the two biggest events that Sudan has witnessed: the secession of the South and genocide. The Sudan peace talks in Juba therefore have a deep meaning and significance for Sudanese and are a catalyst for achieving a new National Project. During the wars in South Sudan, it was remarkable that millions of displaced Southerners headed northwards. This trend was driven by shared values and cultural links, blood ties, history and geography and the Nile has always played a significant role. Today, refugees from both Sudans all go to the other country. This movement of IDPs and refugees reflects the need for strategic relations between the two countries. The common history and the participation of many Northerners on the side of the Southerners in the last war (1983-2005), especially from the Two Areas Southern Kordofan/Nuba Mountains and Blue Nile), is an additional important reason for building a strategic relationship because this area provides an organic link between the two countries. The border area is an area of human intermingling and the most beautiful place for building a Sudanese Union. In the last 32 years, there has never been a better opportunity for peace in Sudan than the one that exists today. The good news is that Juba is playing an active role in this. What happens now presents big opportunities as well as challenges and concerns. Boosting peace in both Sudans would be an added value and would reflect progress and stability in both countries. We call for the holding of an inclusive conference for active forces in both countries to promote a joint vision for a Sudanese Union and the establishment of political, economic and cultural institutions to support this concept. We have been an advocate of a Sudanese Union since South Sudan’s independence in 2011. When the last Framework Agreement between the Transitional Government of Sudan and the Sudanese People’s Liberation Movement-North/Sudan Revolutionary Front was signed on 24 January 2020, President Salva Kiir Mayardit mentioned, in response to my call for a Sudanese Union, that he is in support of strategic relations and that he dreamed of seeing security and peace prevail in both countries. He mentioned that, in earlier times, vehicles carrying goods used to travel safely from Dongola in the far North of Sudan to Yei in the far South of South Sudan without encountering any obstacles. He called for this situation to be restored. This represents an important call. Finally, the one thing I want to achieve in my future political work and to which I will devote my remaining effort, energy and time is to contribute humbly to establishing a Sudanese Union between the two Sudans as independent sovereign states.�Many thanks and appreciation.

🔴 SUDAN IS BLEEDING, NIGERIA IS FEELING IT - THIS WAR MUST END NOW! This is not just Sudan's war anymore. It's OUR warning. For over 2 years, Sudan has been torn apart by a brutal civil war between its army and the RSF paramilitary. Cities burned. Schools turned to barracks. Hospitals shut down. The numbers are horrifying: Over 9.1 MILLION people displaced inside Sudan. More than 4 MILLION have fled to Chad, South Sudan, Egypt and beyond. Nearly 29 MILLION face acute hunger, with over 755,000 already facing catastrophic starvation. And the UN just listed Sudan AND Northeast Nigeria together as immediate famine-risk hunger hotspots. You think it doesn't affect us in Nigeria? It already has. HOW SUDAN'S WAR HIT NIGERIA HARD: 1. Our Children Were Trapped: Remember 2023? Nigeria had to launch an emergency evacuation of over 4,000 Nigerians - mostly students in Khartoum. Many came back with nothing. JAMB had to assure them they could continue their education in Nigeria. Their dreams were shattered overnight. 2. More Guns, More Bandits: Experts warn Sudan's war has created a deadly regional conflict economy - weapons, stolen vehicles, and drugs smuggled OUT of Sudan across the Sahel. Where do those weapons end up? In Lake Chad, in Northwest Nigeria, in the hands of terrorists and bandits killing our farmers. 3. Our Economy Is Strained: Sudan's war disrupted oil exports and supply routes, driving inflation in an already fragile region. When Sudan coughs, Sub-Saharan Africa catches a fever. 4. We Are Already Overwhelmed: In 2026 alone, 8.4 million Nigerians need humanitarian help amid conflict, displacement and disease. We cannot afford to add a new wave of Sudanese refugees and human smuggling across our borders. WHY THIS WAR MUST END NOW BEFORE IT BECOMES A GLOBAL DISASTER: If we let Sudan collapse, we are not just watching one country die. We are lighting a fire in the heart of Africa. • It will become a factory for mass migration to Europe and Nigeria. • It will supercharge human smuggling networks that prey on desperate Africans. • It will create a permanent famine belt from Darfur to Borno. • It will make the Sahel ungovernable for the next 20 years. The UN Envoy is begging for an immediate humanitarian ceasefire. But ceasefire won't happen if we stay silent. This is why ECOWAS, the AU, and every Nigerian must speak up. Peace in Sudan is peace in Nigeria. I am calling on all leaders - If you can share gossip, you can share this. If you love Africa, don't scroll past. WHAT DO YOU THINK? Should Nigeria and the AU do more to force peace in Sudan? Or should we mind our own business until it reaches our doorstep? Drop your opinion in the comments. Share this post. Tag someone who needs to see this. Let's make our voice loud enough that they cannot ignore. Silence is also a choice. But today, I choose to speak. #EndSudanWar #SudanCrisis #NigeriaToTheWorld #HumanityFirst #AfricanUnity #StopTheWarNow #PeaceForAfrica

🌍🔥 TODAY IN WAR HISTORY: AUGUST 10 ACROSS AFRICA 🔥🌍 WELCOME BACK TO WARS AND RUMOURS OF WAR. August 10 has been connected to many important moments in African history. Some were full wars. Others were military coups, political struggles, rebellions, border conflicts, or regional crises. These events show one important truth: Africa's history was shaped not only by battles, but also by the struggle for land, political power, natural resources, independence, and control of African governments. Here is what happened around AUGUST 10, covering more than a century of African history. 🕰️🌍 ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇪🇬 EGYPT: THE URABI REVOLT AND BRITISH INTERVENTION ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 1882 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? Egypt was facing a serious political crisis. Egyptian army officers and nationalists, led by Ahmed Urabi, were angry because European powers had gained too much influence over Egypt. Egypt also had huge debts to European countries. The Suez Canal made Egypt extremely important because it connected the Mediterranean Sea with the Red Sea and provided a major route toward British India. 🚢 Britain feared that the political crisis could threaten its interests. In 1882, Britain sent military forces to Egypt. By August 10, British military intervention was becoming a major reality, with British forces preparing for further operations after fighting around Alexandria. 💥 Britain eventually defeated Urabi's forces at the Battle of Tel el-Kebir in September 1882. 🧭 BACKGROUND The conflict was not simply about one Egyptian general. It was also about who controlled Egypt's government, money, army and strategic location. Egypt wanted greater control over its own affairs, while Britain wanted to protect its strategic and economic interests. 🏁 HOW DID IT END? Urabi was defeated and sent into exile. Britain then occupied Egypt militarily. Egypt remained formally part of the Ottoman Empire for some time, but Britain became the real power behind the government. British control lasted for decades before the situation changed and Egypt eventually became fully independent. 📌 LESSON: Control of strategic routes and economic resources can bring foreign powers directly into a country's political struggles. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇲🇦 MOROCCO: WAR WITH FRANCE OVER ALGERIAN RESISTANCE ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 1844 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? France had conquered large parts of Algeria. One of the strongest Algerian resistance leaders was Emir Abdelkader. Abdelkader continued fighting the French and received support and shelter from people in neighbouring Morocco. France demanded that Morocco stop supporting him. Tensions became worse. French forces attacked Moroccan territory, including the bombardment of Tangier. ⚔️ The conflict became known as the Franco-Moroccan War of 1844. 🧭 BACKGROUND Morocco was trying to protect its neighbour and avoid becoming another French-controlled territory. France, however, wanted to secure its control over Algeria and stop Abdelkader from using Moroccan territory. 🏁 HOW DID IT END? Moroccan forces were defeated at the Battle of Isly on August 14, 1844. Morocco was forced to reduce its support for Abdelkader. The conflict showed how European colonial expansion was beginning to affect African states far beyond the territory already conquered. 📌 HINDSIGHT: The pressure placed on Morocco did not end European expansion in North Africa. France later established a protectorate over Morocco in 1912. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇿🇦 SOUTH AFRICA: WORLD WAR I COMES TO SOUTHERN AFRICA ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 1914 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? World War I had just started in Europe. Britain asked the Union of South Africa to attack neighbouring German South West Africa, which is modern-day Namibia. On August 10, 1914, the South African government formally agreed to carry out the British request. 🎖️ South Africa was still part of the British Empire, even though it had its own government. 🧭 BACKGROUND Germany controlled Namibia at the time. Britain feared that German-controlled ports and wireless stations could help German forces during the world war. South African Prime Minister Louis Botha and General Jan Smuts also saw an opportunity to expand South African influence. ⚔️ WHAT HAPPENED NEXT? South African forces invaded German South West Africa. There was also a serious political problem inside South Africa. Some Afrikaners did not want South Africa fighting Germany because they still remembered the recent Anglo-Boer Wars against Britain. This helped cause the 1914 Afrikaner Rebellion. The rebellion was eventually defeated, and South African forces continued the campaign against Germany. 🏁 RESULT Germany lost control of the territory in 1915. South Africa then administered the territory under a League of Nations mandate after the war. Namibia finally became independent in 1990. 📌 HINDSIGHT: A decision made during World War I eventually became part of the much longer struggle over Namibia's independence. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇹🇿 TANZANIA: THE BATTLE OF MATAMONDO ⚔️ AUGUST 10–11, 1916 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? During World War I, modern-day Tanzania was known as German East Africa. British, Indian, South African, Belgian and African forces were fighting German forces. On August 10–11, 1916, fighting took place at the Battle of Matamondo in the Nguru Mountains. 🧭 BACKGROUND German commander Paul von Lettow-Vorbeck used African soldiers known as Askari. Instead of fighting one giant battle and surrendering, German forces often moved through the countryside, attacked suddenly and disappeared again. This forced the British and their allies to keep thousands of soldiers in East Africa. ⚔️ THE RESULT The German forces were able to avoid complete destruction and continued their guerrilla-style campaign. The war in East Africa continued even after German forces had lost much of their territory. Von Lettow-Vorbeck finally surrendered in November 1918, after Germany had already agreed to the European armistice. 📌 HINDSIGHT: African soldiers fought and died in a European war that was being fought on African soil. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇦🇴 ANGOLA: THE COLD WAR TURNS ANGOLA INTO A BATTLEFIELD ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 1987 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? Angola had been fighting a civil war since independence from Portugal in 1975. The main sides included: 🇦🇴 The MPLA government ⚔️ UNITA rebels But Angola's war was much bigger than an internal fight. The Soviet Union and Cuba supported the MPLA government, while South Africa and the United States supported UNITA in different ways. 🧭 BACKGROUND By 1987, Angola had become one of the most important Cold War battlefields in Africa. Cuban troops were helping the Angolan government. South African forces were operating in southern Angola. The Soviet Union was supplying large amounts of military equipment. ⚔️ WHAT HAPPENED? In August 1987, Angolan government forces, supported by Cuban advisers and troops, launched Operation Saludando Octubre against UNITA positions. The fighting eventually developed into the famous Battle of Cuito Cuanavale. Thousands of soldiers became involved. 🏁 HOW DID IT END? The battle did not produce a simple victory for one side. Instead, it helped create a military and political stalemate. Negotiations followed. Cuban and South African forces eventually withdrew from Angola. Namibia moved closer to independence, and the wider regional conflict began changing. 📌 HINDSIGHT: The Angolan conflict showed how African countries could become battlefields for the larger struggle between the United States and Soviet Union. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇱🇾 LIBYA: THE FALL OF TAWERGHA ⚔️ AROUND AUGUST 10, 2011 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? Libya was in the middle of a massive civil war. Rebels were fighting the government of Muammar Gaddafi. The city of Misrata had suffered heavy fighting and bombardment. Tawergha, a town near Misrata, became closely associated with Gaddafi's forces. As anti-Gaddafi fighters moved toward Tawergha around August 10, 2011, almost the entire population fled. 🧭 BACKGROUND The war had begun earlier in 2011 after protests against Gaddafi's government turned into armed rebellion. NATO then became involved in the conflict after the United Nations authorized measures to protect civilians. NATO air power helped anti-Gaddafi forces. ⚠️ WHAT HAPPENED TO TAWERGHANS? After the town fell, Tawerghans suffered revenge attacks, arrests, harassment and destruction. Large numbers of people were displaced. The town remained largely empty for years. 🏁 HOW DID THE WAR END? Gaddafi's government collapsed. Gaddafi himself was captured and killed in October 2011. But the end of Gaddafi did not bring lasting peace. Libya later became divided between rival governments, armed groups and competing foreign interests. 📌 HINDSIGHT: Removing one government did not automatically rebuild the country. Libya became an example of how difficult it can be to create peace after a civil war. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇸🇩 SUDAN: THE SOUTHERN KORDOFAN CONFLICT ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 2011 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? One month after South Sudan became independent, violence erupted in Sudan's Southern Kordofan region. The area had its own armed groups and deep political tensions. Fighting broke out between Sudanese government forces and forces linked to the former southern rebel movement. 🧭 BACKGROUND For decades, Sudan had fought a massive civil war between the northern government and southern rebels. The war eventually produced the 2005 Comprehensive Peace Agreement. That agreement helped create the conditions for South Sudan's independence in 2011. But not every disputed area was peacefully settled. Southern Kordofan and other border areas remained dangerous. ⚔️ WHAT FOLLOWED? Fighting displaced tens of thousands of people. There were reports of air attacks, killings and other serious abuses. The conflict showed that independence had solved one problem but had not solved every disagreement between Sudan and South Sudan. 📌 HINDSIGHT: The creation of a new country does not automatically remove old political, ethnic, land and resource disputes. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇨🇩 DEMOCRATIC REPUBLIC OF CONGO: THE SECOND CONGO WAR ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 1998 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? The Democratic Republic of Congo was entering one of the biggest wars Africa had ever seen. In August 1998, a rebellion against President Laurent-Désiré Kabila was spreading. Rwanda and Uganda were accused of supporting rebel forces. Several African countries became involved on different sides. 🧭 BACKGROUND The crisis followed the 1994 Rwandan genocide. Large numbers of refugees and armed groups crossed into eastern Congo. In 1996–1997, Rwanda and Uganda supported forces that helped overthrow Mobutu Sese Seko. Laurent Kabila then became president. But relations between Kabila and his former allies quickly collapsed. ⚔️ WHAT HAPPENED? The Second Congo War began in 1998. Zimbabwe, Angola and Namibia sent troops to support Kabila's government. Rwanda and Uganda supported rebel movements. The conflict became extremely complicated. It was not simply one army fighting another. Many armed groups, governments and foreign forces became involved. 🏁 HOW DID IT END? Peace agreements eventually led to the withdrawal of many foreign forces. Kabila was assassinated in 2001. His son, Joseph Kabila, became president. A transitional government was later formed and elections were held in 2006. However, armed conflict continued in parts of eastern Congo. 📌 HINDSIGHT: The Congo War showed how weak political institutions, natural resources, foreign intervention and local armed groups can combine to create a very long conflict. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇸🇴 SOMALIA: FIGHTING AL-SHABAAB ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 2021 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? Somalia was still fighting the militant group Al-Shabaab. On August 10, 2021, Ugandan soldiers serving with the African Union mission in Somalia were attacked near Golweyn in Lower Shabelle. The attack involved an Al-Shabaab ambush. 🧭 BACKGROUND Somalia had suffered years of political instability and civil war. Al-Shabaab emerged from the wider Somali conflict and became one of the most powerful armed groups in the country. The African Union sent peacekeeping forces to help the Somali government fight the group. ⚔️ THE AUGUST 10 ATTACK Ugandan troops were carrying out a patrol when they were attacked. Fighting followed. The incident showed how dangerous Somalia remained even when government and African Union forces controlled major towns and roads. 🏁 WHAT HAPPENED LATER? Somalia continued building its own national army while African Union forces gradually transferred security responsibilities to Somali forces. The fight against Al-Shabaab, however, continued. 📌 HINDSIGHT: Somalia's experience shows that defeating an armed group requires more than military power. Government institutions, security, jobs and local political agreements are also important. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇨🇲 CAMEROON: VIOLENCE IN THE FAR NORTH ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 2021 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? On August 10, 2021, serious communal fighting broke out in Cameroon's Far North region. The violence involved the Mouzgoum and Choa Arab communities in Logone-Birni. The immediate dispute involved land and access to resources. 🧭 BACKGROUND Cameroon's Far North has faced pressure from population growth, land shortages, climate problems and insecurity linked to the wider Boko Haram conflict. When communities compete over farmland, water and grazing areas, small disputes can become much larger. ⚔️ WHAT HAPPENED? The fighting led to killings, injuries and the burning and looting of villages. Thousands of people were forced to leave their homes. Many crossed into neighbouring Chad for safety. 🏁 AFTERWARD Humanitarian organisations provided medical and emergency assistance. Local authorities and community leaders worked to reduce tensions. But the deeper problems of land, water, poverty and insecurity remained. 📌 HINDSIGHT: Not every African conflict begins with politicians. Sometimes a fight over land or water can become a serious security crisis when trust between communities is already weak. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇳🇬 NIGERIA: KIDNAPPING AND THE STRUGGLE FOR CONTROL OF THE NIGER DELTA ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 2006–2007 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? Nigeria was facing serious violence and kidnapping in the oil-producing Niger Delta. On August 10, 2006, gunmen wearing military-style clothing seized two foreign oil workers in southern Nigeria. On August 10, 2007, another foreign oil worker was kidnapped in Port Harcourt. 🧭 BACKGROUND The Niger Delta contains enormous oil wealth. But many local communities complained that they received too little benefit from the oil industry. They also complained about pollution, unemployment, poverty and government corruption. Armed groups began attacking oil facilities and kidnapping foreign workers. ⚔️ WHAT FOLLOWED? Kidnapping became a major problem. Oil production was disrupted. The Nigerian government eventually used negotiations, security operations and an amnesty programme to encourage militants to give up their weapons. Thousands of former militants entered the programme. 🏁 RESULT Violence fell significantly in the Niger Delta after the amnesty programme, although insecurity and oil theft later remained serious problems. 📌 HINDSIGHT: Natural resources can make a country rich while communities living beside those resources remain poor. That gap can become fuel for conflict. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🇳🇪 NIGER: THE COUP THAT SHOOK WEST AFRICA ⚔️ AUGUST 10, 2023 WHAT WAS HAPPENING? On July 26, 2023, soldiers overthrew Niger's elected President Mohamed Bazoum. The military leadership took control of the government. West African countries became deeply concerned. 🧭 BACKGROUND Niger was already facing attacks by armed extremist groups in the Sahel. The country also had close security relationships with Western countries, especially France and the United States. The coup therefore created a much larger regional crisis. ⚠️ WHAT HAPPENED ON AUGUST 10? West African leaders met in Abuja, Nigeria. The regional organisation ECOWAS ordered the activation of its standby military force. ECOWAS said military intervention remained an option if necessary to restore constitutional government. At the same time, ECOWAS said it wanted a peaceful solution. 🏁 WHAT HAPPENED AFTERWARD? ECOWAS did not launch the planned military invasion. Diplomatic efforts continued. The military government remained in power. Niger later moved further away from ECOWAS and toward cooperation with neighbouring military-led governments. 📌 HINDSIGHT: The Niger crisis showed that coups in one West African country can quickly become a regional security problem. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ 🌍 WHAT AUGUST 10 TEACHES US ABOUT AFRICA When we look at these events together, a bigger picture appears. Africa's wars have not all had the same causes. Some were caused by COLONIAL EXPANSION. 🇪🇺⚔️ Some were connected to WORLD WARS. 🌍💣 Some were caused by THE COLD WAR. ☢️ Others came from CIVIL WARS AND POLITICAL POWER STRUGGLES. 🏛️⚔️ Some were connected to OIL, LAND, WATER AND NATURAL RESOURCES. 🛢️🌾💧 And others were caused by MILITARY COUPS AND THE FIGHT OVER WHO SHOULD CONTROL THE STATE. 🎖️🏛️ The important lesson is that African conflicts rarely have only one cause. A political disagreement can become an armed rebellion. A border problem can become an international war. A struggle over oil can become a fight between communities. A military coup can become a regional crisis. And a war that begins inside one country can eventually involve many other countries. 🕊️ THE BIGGEST LESSON History also shows something else. WINNING A BATTLE DOES NOT ALWAYS MEAN WINNING THE PEACE. Egypt eventually escaped British control. Morocco remained independent. Namibia eventually became independent. Angola eventually moved toward peace. Libya removed Gaddafi but struggled to rebuild political unity. Sudan and South Sudan gained separation but continued facing serious disputes. Congo ended its major regional war but continued suffering armed conflict in the east. Somalia continued rebuilding after years of civil war. Cameroon continued facing insecurity. Nigeria reduced some Niger Delta violence through negotiations. Niger's coup created a political crisis that changed West African relations. 📚 HISTORY IS NOT JUST ABOUT WHO WON THE WAR. It is also about: WHY THE WAR STARTED. WHO BENEFITED. WHO SUFFERED. WHO LOST POWER. WHO GAINED POWER. AND WHETHER THE PEACE THAT FOLLOWED ACTUALLY SOLVED THE ORIGINAL PROBLEM. 🌍 Africa's history is complicated, but understanding it helps us understand Africa today. 🕊️ REMEMBER THE HISTORY. UNDERSTAND THE PRESENT. LEARN FROM THE PAST. ━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━━ #WarsAndRumoursOfWar #AfricanHistory #OnThisDay #August10 #AfricaHistory #AfricanWars #AfricanConflicts #MilitaryHistory #ColonialHistory #WorldWarI #ColdWar #Libya #Sudan #Congo #Somalia #Cameroon #Nigeria #Niger #Angola #Tanzania #SouthAfrica #Morocco #Egypt #History #AfricanPolitics #PeaceAndConflict #HistoryMatters

Sudanese Refugees in Southern Egypt Face Deepening Humanitarian Crisis as Support Declines August 2026 More than three years after the outbreak of war in Sudan in April 2023, thousands of Sudanese refugees remain stranded in southern Egypt, where they continue to face growing humanitarian challenges, uncertain legal status, and diminishing opportunities for rebuilding their lives. The Egyptian city of Aswan, located near the Sudanese border, became one of the first destinations for civilians fleeing violence after conflict erupted between the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF) and the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). While many initially viewed Aswan as a temporary stop before moving elsewhere, thousands of families remain there with few options for the future. A City of Temporary Refuge Becomes Long-Term Limbo During the early months of the conflict, Aswan received a continuous flow of people escaping violence, insecurity, and destruction inside Sudan. Refugees filled railway stations, bus terminals, inexpensive hotels, and temporary shelters while trying to recover from the trauma of war. Many hoped to return home once the fighting subsided or expected to be resettled in another country. However, as the conflict entered its fourth year, those hopes have largely faded. Today, Aswan has become a place where many displaced Sudanese families remain trapped in prolonged uncertainty. Humanitarian Assistance Continues to Shrink One of the most pressing concerns facing refugees is the reduction in humanitarian assistance. International humanitarian agencies have struggled with funding shortages, forcing many organizations to reduce food assistance, cash support, healthcare services, and educational programs. For vulnerable families who rely entirely on humanitarian aid, these reductions have made daily survival increasingly difficult. Many refugees report struggling to afford: * Food and clean drinking water * Rent and basic housing * Medical treatment * School supplies for children * Transportation * Essential household needs As assistance declines, some families have been forced to adopt negative coping strategies, including reducing meals, withdrawing children from school, or borrowing money to survive. Legal Challenges Increase Vulnerability Legal uncertainty remains another major challenge. Many refugees face difficulties obtaining or renewing legal documentation required to remain in Egypt. Without proper documentation, access to employment, education, healthcare, and other essential services becomes significantly more difficult. The lengthy refugee registration process and administrative requirements have also contributed to prolonged uncertainty. Families often live with constant anxiety about their legal status and future. Limited Access to Education Children have been particularly affected by the prolonged displacement. Although Egypt has made efforts to expand educational opportunities for refugees, many Sudanese children continue to encounter obstacles, including: * Limited school spaces * Transportation costs * Language differences * Documentation requirements * Financial hardship As a result, many children have experienced years of interrupted education since fleeing Sudan. Humanitarian organizations warn that prolonged school interruptions may have lasting consequences for an entire generation of displaced children. Healthcare Remains Difficult to Access Access to healthcare has also become increasingly challenging. Many refugee families cannot afford medical consultations, medication, or specialized treatment. Pregnant women, elderly refugees, persons with disabilities, and individuals suffering from chronic illnesses face particularly serious difficulties. Mental health needs have also grown as many refugees continue to cope with trauma caused by war, displacement, family separation, and uncertainty about the future. Economic Hardship Finding stable employment remains difficult for many refugees. Without reliable income, families struggle to pay rent and purchase basic necessities. Rising living costs have further increased financial pressure, leaving many refugees dependent on humanitarian assistance that continues to decline. Conflict in Sudan Shows Little Sign of Ending The ongoing conflict inside Sudan remains one of the world’s largest displacement crises. Millions of people have been forced to flee their homes, with neighboring countries—including Egypt, Chad, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Uganda, and the Central African Republic—hosting large refugee populations. Although the number of new arrivals in Aswan has slowed compared to the early months of the conflict, people continue to cross the border seeking safety. Growing Need for International Support Humanitarian organizations continue to call for increased international funding to support refugees in Egypt and throughout the region. Experts argue that sustained assistance is needed to provide: * Food security * Healthcare * Education * Legal protection * Livelihood opportunities * Protection for women and children * Durable solutions, including voluntary return when conditions permit, local integration where appropriate, or third-country resettlement for the most vulnerable. Conclusion The situation facing Sudanese refugees in southern Egypt illustrates the long-term consequences of prolonged conflict. What began as an emergency displacement has evolved into a protracted humanitarian crisis marked by legal uncertainty, shrinking humanitarian assistance, limited economic opportunities, and an uncertain future. As the conflict in Sudan continues, humanitarian agencies warn that greater international solidarity and financial support will be essential to prevent conditions from deteriorating further and to ensure that displaced families can live with dignity while durable solutions are pursued.