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The Sudanese Mind and Consciousness: The Battle to Defeat the Rebellion and Build a Civil State Against the Threat of Partition By: Eng. Ibrahim Eisa Al-Bigaoui [email protected] Introduction Today, our nation is passing through a historic crossroads that cannot tolerate the luxury of political maneuvering or narrow partisan quotas. The ongoing war in Sudan is not merely a transient conflict over power; rather, it is a direct existential threat aimed at fragmenting the unity of Sudanese territory and dividing the country into warring micro-states—and what is happening in Darfur is a clear testament to this. In the midst of this imminent danger, the Sudanese Army stands valiant as a unifying national institution, confronting a fierce rebellion that has devastated the country and its people. Supported by a free and responsible popular alignment, the military stands firm while certain political elites remain isolated from the pulse of the street, drowning in preemptive struggles over seats in a civil government that may not even find a homeland to sustain them! Saving Sudan today requires a revolution in "mind and consciousness"—a consciousness that grasps the magnitude of the international conspiracy and supports the military institution to decisively crush the rebellion, and a mind that exercises wisdom and responsibility to end the war, bring justice to the victims, and cross over toward a new national project that establishes a just and stable civil state. Political Illusion Amidst the Inferno The Elites and Postponed Quotas: The brutal war currently raging erupted on April 15, 2023. More than three years of fierce fighting have passed between the Sudanese Army, alongside its national supporters, and the rebel Rapid Support Forces (RSF), who are allied with client states and mercenaries. The dignity, achievements, and capabilities of the Sudanese people have been targeted, and their land, honor, and sanctities have been violated in unprecedented atrocities. This war has caused massive internal displacement from rebel-controlled areas to army-controlled regions. It has also triggered vast waves of refugees fleeing toward neighboring countries such as Egypt, Libya, Chad, South Sudan, Ethiopia, Eritrea, Saudi Arabia, and others. According to field developments, the Sudanese Army has managed to extinguish the rebellion in the capital, Khartoum, and the eastern states, supported by the Joint Forces, mujahideen, volunteers, and all segments of the Sudanese people. Consequently, the rebellion has been contained within the five Darfur states, parts of the five Kordofan states, and parts of the Blue Nile State. The horrors of war forced innocent civilians who escaped death to flee. Along with them, most political parties and civil forces fled abroad. Some of these forces continue to celebrate the rebels' advancements, lament the army's performance, question its capabilities, and downplay its victories. They raise slogans like "No to War" precisely when the army achieves victories—a stance that claims neutrality but harbors an underlying intent of surrender to the rebellion. With the signs of decisive army victories emerging, the activities of political parties and civil forces abroad began to take shape through conferences funded by non-neutral international bodies seeking to build a political consensus around establishing democratic civil rule. This was clearly evident in the recent meeting of the Pentagonal Committee in Ethiopia—an extension of the Berlin meeting—which demonstrated the continuation of partisan bickering, mutual exclusion, and the elites' detachment from reality. Their focus remains on civilian governance quotas while the state faces an existential threat that requires first defeating the rebellion and ending the ongoing war, before building a comprehensive new national project that excludes no one. The Existential Threat Signs of Partition and the Conspiracy Against the Homeland’s Map: Despite the sweeping field advancements that expelled the rebellion from all states east of the Nile Strip—except for parts of the Blue Nile State adjacent to Ethiopia, the Darfur region with its five states, and parts of the three Kordofan states—suicide drone attacks continue to target several central states such as El Obeid, White Nile, and Khartoum. The 18 states of Sudan are currently distributed as follows: 9 states are under full army control. 3 states are under army control, with rebel presence on their outskirts. 6 states are under rebel control. The existential threat and the danger of partition loom clearly over the horizon in Darfur, despite good intentions and the rejection of secession by broad sectors of the Sudanese people. The rebellion and its allies have established an alleged parallel government in Darfur, selecting Nyala as its capital under what they call a "Founding Government," which is unrecognized. This constitutes an extremely dangerous precedent if it is not dismantled. Despite lacking recognition, this entity has begun establishing a symbolic central bank, holding secondary school exams, opening schools, and undertaking duties considered governmental, regardless of their efficiency, quality, or fairness. If this situation gains recognition from hostile nations—similar to what happened with Somaliland, which received recognition from Israel while the United States considers the matter despite the rejection and condemnation of the Somali government and the Horn of Africa nations—it will pose a major dilemma. Therefore, this file must be addressed as swiftly as possible by the Sudanese Army and its people. The Military Institution and Popular Alignment A Battle of Sovereignty, Not Ideology: The brave Sudanese Armed Forces have proven to be the only national institution that remained cohesive, standing boldly and steadfastly against the rebellion that choked the capital, Khartoum, and the central states. Through patience, determination, and perseverance, the army managed to shift the balance of power, moving from defensive tactics to the offensive, driving the rebel militias to peripheral states despite the heavy weaponry and unlimited political support the rebellion receives from abroad. Undoubtedly, the national Sudanese Army is the sole entity possessing the constitutional right and strategic role to suppress and defeat any rebellion or assault on the Sudanese state. The political elites' accusations characterizing the army as "ideological" are nothing more than political consumption, tied to their preoccupation with civil governance quotas and their detachment from the reality of this existential battle. The role of the current popular support for the Sudanese Army and the people's solidarity with it cannot be hidden, as it has enabled the military to achieve major victories on the battlefields. Vast sectors of the Sudanese people have attained a high degree of awareness regarding the reality of the situation and the details of the conspiracies. The minds of the people have realized who their ally is and who their enemy is; they have understood that any state must possess a strong army to protect its land, defend its people, preserve its sovereignty, and safeguard the nation from fragmentation and collapse. The Roadmap to Ending the War Achieving the goal of stopping and ending the war has become an utmost necessity, but not in the manner of the "No to War" slogan, which appears neutral but supports the rebellion in substance. Ending the war in favor of the Sudanese people can be achieved through two effective means: Mobilizing and enlisting the popular masses to decisively defeat and end the rebellion on the ground. Engaging in negotiations that lead to dismantling the components of the rebellion, dissolving its institutions, holding the perpetrators of massacres and violations accountable, and establishing a state of justice and law. Reason must prevail to stop the bloodshed, bring justice to the victims, agree on major shared national foundations, and reset the accumulated historical crises. Toward the Future The New National Project and the Just Civil State: A true civil state and comprehensive prosperity are the natural fruits of defeating the rebellion and restoring stability; they are not the product of dividing political spoils amidst the flames. This is contrary to the behavior of political parties and civil forces that turn their faces away from the reality of the war and look only toward civil governance quotas whenever they arrive, as if they are not responsible for creating the conditions necessary to achieve it. Conclusion Consciousness of the Battle and Building Tomorrow: Based on the foregoing, it is crystal clear that the Sudanese mind and consciousness today stand before an unprecedented historical test. It is a consciousness that realizes a stable civil state cannot be built upon the ruins of a fragmented homeland, and a mind that is certain that defeating the rebellion and dismantling the threats of partition are the primary prerequisites for any genuine democratic transition. The elitist attempts to leap over the reality of this existential battle and obsess over dividing the spoils of a hypothetical authority amidst the inferno reflect nothing but total detachment from the pulse of the street and the sacrifices of the military institution, which is backed by free popular will. The train of the future has already departed from the trenches of sovereignty and dignity, and it will not wait for those chasing political mirages in foreign capitals. Ending this war with intellectual and field decisiveness, bringing justice to the victims, and cleansing the homeland from the filth of treachery and mercenarism is the sole and legitimate gateway to shaping the new national project. When the fires of rebellion are extinguished and the illusions of partition are shattered beneath the feet of the popular alignment and its brave army, the Sudanese people will begin together—with their independent, free will—to construct their just civil state. This will be a state of law and institutions that accommodates everyone, preserves sovereignty, and is guarded by minds that have understood the lesson and hands that have defended the land and honor. End of Article

THE MYTH OF "REVOLUTIONARY HEMEDTI" -------------------------- Dismantling the Most Dangerous Political Fallacy in Contemporary Sudan -------------------------- A Marxist Critique of Manufactured Legitimacy and the Tools of Class Domination -------------------------- "The ideas of the ruling class are, in every epoch, the ruling ideas." — Karl Marx, The German Ideology -------------------------- Introduction: Illusion as an Instrument of Domination -------------------------- Every system of exploitation needs an illusion — one that convinces the oppressed to see a savior in their executioner. This illusion is not a psychological accident. It is a social product, manufactured by material relations of power and reproduced through what Louis Althusser called the "ideological state apparatuses": media, schools, cultural symbols, and political propaganda. In today's Sudan — devastated by war yet still standing on the legacy of the 2018–2019 December Revolution — this illusion takes the shape of Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemedti, marketed as a revolutionary leader, a liberator from political Islam, and a champion of the "New Sudan" the marginalized once dreamed of. Dismantling this myth is not an endorsement of the Sudanese Army or its allies. It is, in Marx's own terms, the precondition for any genuine revolution: clear sight, stripped of illusion. An illusion left unchallenged does not merely stall revolution — it eventually becomes fuel for reproducing the very authoritarian order the revolution sought to overthrow. -------------------------- Material Roots: From the Margins to Accumulation -------------------------- Hemedti cannot be understood outside the material trajectory of Sudanese peripheral capitalism and decades of accumulated state neglect. Born in the early 1970s to a poor Rizeigat family in North Darfur — one of Sudan's most marginalized regions — he had, in the absence of education, wealth, or political connections in Khartoum, only one accessible form of "primitive capital": the tribal militia. This is precisely what Marx, in Capital, Volume I, described as primitive accumulation in its rawest form — accumulation achieved not through saving or production, but through direct violence, dispossession, and forced displacement. By the mid-1990s, the Islamist Inqaz regime found in him the ideal proxy: a deniable strike force for Darfur. This forged what Antonio Gramsci called trasformismo — the absorption of marginal forces into the existing order rather than confrontation with it, stabilizing the system in a new guise. The Janjaweed thus evolved from armed gang into protected, state-funded instrument, and Hemedti from obscure fighter into a commander with expanding, state-backed power. -------------------------- Gold and the Gun: A Hidden Economic Empire -------------------------- Hemedti did not remain merely a military proxy. Through systematic control of gold mines in Jebel Amer, Kurnoi, and elsewhere in Darfur, he built something closer to an armed capitalist conglomerate, fusing raw military force with extractive rent in a single structure indifferent to state borders or law. According to Global Witness and the UN Panel of Experts on Sudan, Hemedti controls over 30% of Sudan's gold output — most of it smuggled through the UAE rather than passing through state coffers. Reuters investigations have placed the value of this annual smuggling in the hundreds of millions of dollars. Today, the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) command an integrated economic system: unregulated gold-mining companies, cross-border smuggling networks stretching from Libya to sub-Saharan Africa, vast farmland seized by force from its original owners, and shell companies or proxies operating through Dubai. What is loosely called "Hemedti's popularity" is, in material terms, simply the surface reflection of this economic power — a textbook case of "war capitalism," in which war is not an obstacle to accumulation but its most efficient instrument. -------------------------- The Janjaweed: An Ideology of Annihilation -------------------------- The Janjaweed are not merely an armed militia in the narrow technical sense. They are the armed expression of a deep class-and-ethnic contradiction embedded in Darfur's social structure. When the Inqaz regime armed Arab pastoralist factions against African farming villages, it was executing a complex economic-political operation: emptying territory of its inhabitants to clear the way for future extractive projects, and redistributing land and resources to factions loyal to the state. Though Musa Hilal led the Janjaweed in its early years, Hemedti outmaneuvered him, building his own project on the ruins of an annihilation he helped engineer. What unfolded in Darfur was a violent application of what Marx called the forcible separation of producers from the means of production — carried out with guns, fire, and rape instead of bourgeois law. The documented toll, per UN, ICC, and human rights reports, is staggering: between 200,000 and 400,000 killed in Darfur (2003–2009), over 2.5 million displaced, systematic mass rape as a weapon of war, and the deliberate destruction of villages, crops, and water sources. The ICC characterized these events as ethnic cleansing and genocide — a record that cannot be softened by "context" without that context itself becoming an ideological act serving the perpetrator. -------------------------- The October 2021 Coup: Assassinating the Democratic Transition -------------------------- On October 25, 2021, the army and the RSF jointly overthrew Sudan's civilian transitional government under Abdallah Hamdok, suspending the democratic transition born of the December Revolution. Hemedti was not a reluctant participant; he was an active architect. He publicly backed the coup and ordered his forces to crush protesters and clear sit-ins. The reason is material, not psychological: civilian reform directly threatened the three pillars of his empire — unaccountable rentier accumulation, legal immunity for Darfur, and a security status allowing force without civilian oversight. The coup was a calculated class decision: armed capital refusing to let civilian statehood narrow its margin of impunity. -------------------------- The Current War: Genocide as Economic Policy -------------------------- Since April 2023, the UN, Human Rights Watch, and Amnesty International have documented systematic RSF atrocities: mass rape as a weapon of war in Khartoum, Gezira, and El Fasher; ethnic cleansing in Darfur and South Kordofan; looting and destruction of hospitals, schools, and infrastructure; child recruitment; and the deliberate starvation of besieged cities. In February 2024, the US State Department formally determined that the RSF is committing genocide in Darfur and sanctioned Hemedti personally. The UN has called Sudan's the world's largest displacement crisis, exceeding 10 million people. What purely humanitarian framing misses is the economic logic. The systematic looting of factories, farms, banks, and telecom infrastructure is not incidental plunder — it is the operation's core function. Every captured city becomes an organized looting site: machinery dismantled and trafficked, grain stores seized, land redistributed to militia loyalists. The RSF is replicating, at national scale, what it perfected in Darfur: capital accumulation through violence, property redrawn by force. As Marx wrote, capital comes into the world dripping with blood from every pore. What the RSF practices is the inverse of productive economic activity: accumulation not through new value, but through the destruction of value others created. -------------------------- Manufacturing Legitimacy: How Legitimacy Is Bought -------------------------- Hemedti's positive image did not arise spontaneously from genuine admiration. It is a manufactured product, built according to the logic of the political marketing industry. Investigations by Middle East Eye and the Stanford Internet Observatory documented tens of millions of dollars spent on Western PR firms specializing in "rehabilitating controversial figures." In 2019 he contracted Canadian lobbying firm Dickens & Madson, run by a former Israeli intelligence officer, for six million dollars to arrange meetings with US and Russian officials. In 2022 he engaged a French PR agency. Researchers also tracked coordinated social-media networks amplifying his narrative — a textbook case of "digital authoritarianism." More insidious still is his investment in a parallel "infrastructure of popularity": clinics, sports clubs, and humanitarian aid distributed under the RSF's name rather than the state's — deliberately building loyalty to the militia over the nation. This is Gramscian hegemony in full operation: domination requires not just the gun, but the food bag, the clinic, and emotional belonging. Hegemony is not pure coercion — it is manufactured consent. -------------------------- Hijacking the Revolution -------------------------- Hemedti's public rhetoric borrows wholesale from the revolution's own vocabulary — "New Sudan," "freedom, peace, and justice," the rejection of political Islam, civilian rule — concepts he never produced and never paid for, but stole from those who died for them. This is not rhetorical poverty but calculated strategy: when a ruling class loses traditional legitimacy, it rents the legitimacy of its ideological opponents — Gramsci's trasformismo applied to language itself, neutralizing opposition by absorbing its vocabulary. His public "regret" over the 2021 coup is, in Karl Mannheim's terms, ideology in its purest form: reproducing a position of power under the banner of reform. -------------------------- The UAE and Sudanese Gold: Regional Capital as War Fuel -------------------------- Hemedti's endurance cannot be understood without the regional and international network sustaining him. Between 2012 and 2022, the UAE imported 2,569 tons of illegal gold worth $115 billion. Roughly 90% of Sudan's gold output — some $13.4 billion in illicit trade — is smuggled to the UAE via Chad, Egypt, and Ethiopia. Gold production in RSF-controlled areas nearly doubled between 2022 and 2024, war notwithstanding. Hemedti and his family operate over a dozen Dubai-based companies spanning gold trading, jewelry, and investment consulting. His company Al-Junaid controls Jebel Amer, one of the continent's largest gold mines. In January 2025, the US Treasury sanctioned Hemedti and seven UAE-based companies used to evade sanctions and procure weapons. UN reporting reveals an even darker chain: Sudanese gold has helped finance the RSF's relationship with Russia's Wagner Group, and by extension Russia's war in Ukraine, while RSF fighters have been deployed alongside Emirati forces in Libya and Yemen. This is not a state-to-state partnership but extractive regional capitalism — one for which Sudan's fragmentation is not an obstacle but a convenience. -------------------------- The "Lesser Evil" Illusion: The Left's Theoretical Error -------------------------- Painfully, some civilian and leftist currents — and progressive intellectuals across the region — fell for Hemedti's "anti-Islamist" framing, sliding into silence or tacit support. The reasoning seemed coherent: the Islamists and the army committed the atrocities and led the counter-revolution; Hemedti opposes them; therefore he is the "lesser evil." This commits two theoretical errors. First, it mistakes a contradiction over wealth and power between two factions of the same old order for an ideological contradiction. Second, it privileges short-term tactical calculation over the objective interests of the popular classes, who suffer from both factions equally. Trotsky's classic warning against the "lesser evil" during fascism's rise applies with bitter precision: progressive forces defending the lesser evil pave the way for the greater one. -------------------------- The Parallel State: An Open Project of Fragmentation -------------------------- In March 2024, following military setbacks and growing isolation, Hemedti and allied armed movements announced a "coordinating council" — the explicit nucleus of a parallel government in RSF-held territory. Read materially, this is not the birth of a unified civilian democracy but the fragmentation of the Sudanese state into autonomous military-economic fiefdoms, maximizing accumulation through control of resources, border crossings, and trade routes. This is the Marxist category of the capitalist warlord: seeking the benefits of statehood without its obligations — taxation without services, power without accountability, sovereignty without a people. The danger deepens when this project speaks the language of federalism and decentralization, potentially finding an audience among those exhausted by Sudan's historical over-centralization — fragmentation dressed in the vocabulary of rights. -------------------------- Conclusion: Hard Truth Against Dangerous Illusion -------------------------- A full materialist analysis yields four unambiguous conclusions. First, Hemedti is not an aberration in Sudan's governing structure but its most exposed and extreme product — the inevitable result of a rentier state weaponizing militia instead of building institutions. Second, his positive image did not arise spontaneously; it is a manufactured composite of paid propaganda, opportunistic alliances, and the systematic appropriation of a revolutionary vocabulary he never earned. Third, any support from civilian or leftist forces is a double error — analytical, in confusing a power struggle for an ideological one, and ethical, in trading commitment to victims for narrow short-term gain. Fourth, Hemedti's actual project — visible in practice, not rhetoric — is not liberating Sudan from political Islam, but liberating Sudan's wealth from civilian oversight for the benefit of a military-capitalist accumulation network and its regional backers. No paid PR campaign, no tactical alliance, no borrowed revolutionary slogan can transform the architect of Darfur's annihilation, the saboteur of the October transition, and the man now reducing Sudan to ash, into a revolutionary leader or a guardian of civilian rule. The Sudanese people, who paid in real blood for these accumulated illusions, deserve a revolutionary left that reads reality without distortion — one that refuses, even unintentionally, to serve as cover for war capitalism and its agents. "Violence is the midwife of every old society pregnant with a new one." — Karl Marx, Capital, Volume I "A real revolution is not built in alliance with the executioner — it is built by confronting him, whatever costume he wears." — Karl Marx #حراك_HIRAK ================== Sources: International and Journalistic Sources -------------------------- · UN OHCHR reports (2004–2024) · UN Panel of Experts on Sudan · US State Department genocide determination, Darfur, February 2024 · Human Rights Watch, Sudan 2023–2024 · Amnesty International, RSF crimes documentation 2023–2024 · Stanford Internet Observatory, Sudan influence networks · Global Witness, Sudanese gold smuggling via UAE · Reuters investigations, RSF economy · Middle East Eye, PR firms linked to Hemedti -------------------------- Theoretical References -------------------------- · Marx, Capital, Vol. I (Primitive Accumulation) · Marx & Engels, The German Ideology · Marx & Engels, The Communist Manifesto · Gramsci, Prison Notebooks (hegemony, trasformismo) · Mannheim, Ideology and Utopia · Althusser, Ideological State Apparatuses · Trotsky, Fascism: What It Is and How to Fight It #حراك_HIRAK

@mossadeghsghost @AmbJohnBolton No. You sound like a muslim. Now do: Sudan, Chad, Nigeria, Syria, Lebanon, Somalia, Yemen, south Thailand, southern Philippines, and more, where Muslim are killing each other and other minorities. Now some of thes are real genocide…

When I first met Mayaz, I was deeply inspired by her dreams, her determination, and the quiet strength she carried despite everything she had been through. I still see her from time to time whenever I travel to Farchana in eastern Chad. Each encounter reminds me of the resilience and hope that young people can hold onto, even in the most difficult circumstances. Not long ago, she shared another thought with me that has stayed in my mind ever since: "Sooner or later, I will achieve my dreams." Those simple words carried so much conviction, courage, and optimism. They moved me deeply. In a world where displacement and uncertainty have become part of her daily reality, Mayaz continues to look ahead with unwavering confidence. Her story is a powerful reminder that dreams can survive even the greatest challenges, and that with the right support, they can become reality.

#Sudan #SITREP | Conflict & Humanitarian situation as of 19th June 2026 For the 10th consecutive day, drone activity linked to the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) and intensive airstrikes continued over the city of El Obeid, as concerns grow that a major battle for North Kordofan’s capital may be approaching. Large RSF formations have reportedly been gathering around Kazgeil and Al-Riyash in North Kordofan State. Convoys moving toward the area are said to include newly delivered Mine-Resistant Ambush Protected (MRAP) vehicles recently received through the group’s supply corridors extending from Chad and Libya. Sudanese military commanders continue to reinforce positions around the city. Brigadier General Mohamed Fadl Youssef Al-Rasheed, deputy commander of the Sudanese Armed Forces’ 5th Infantry “Haggana” Division, recently inspected frontline positions across North Kordofan alongside Colonel Ibrahim Abu Bakr Khatir, head of training for the division. During the visit, Al-Rasheed reviewed combat readiness and troop morale, emphasizing the army’s commitment to defending the state and protecting civilians. The military buildup comes as a coalition of 29 countries warned the United Nations Human Rights Council that nearly 500,000 civilians in El Obeid could face large-scale atrocities if fighting escalates further. The coalition reported that ten consecutive days of drone strikes have killed at least 50 civilians across El Obeid and North Kordofan while damaging critical civilian infrastructure. One of the tactics frequently employed by the RSF before launching major offensives is the sustained use of drone strikes combined with the isolation and siege of targeted cities. The strategy aims to weaken defenses, disrupt logistics, spread fear among civilians, and place political and military pressure on defending forces before a ground assault begins. This approach has been observed repeatedly throughout the conflict. The RSF used similar tactics in El Fasher and Babanusa and has maintained prolonged pressure on Dilling and Kadugli through siege operations and drone attacks. Now, many observers believe the same pattern is unfolding around El Obeid. Earlier this week, RSF-affiliated media outlets also circulated reports alleging that Egyptian military aircraft had carried out strikes inside Sudanese territory near the North Valley gold mining area in Red Sea State. According to those reports, five Sudanese miners were killed and ten others injured during an attack that allegedly involved both airstrikes and a ground incursion supported by approximately 20 military vehicles. The claims have not been independently verified and emerged amid an increasingly active information war surrounding military operations across Sudan. The strategic importance of El Obeid cannot be overstated. The city serves as the central transportation and logistics hub linking Khartoum, Kordofan, Darfur, and parts of eastern Sudan. Major highways converge in the city, making it one of the most important military and commercial crossroads in the country. Whoever controls El Obeid gains a significant advantage in moving troops, supplies, fuel, and trade across western and central Sudan. For the RSF, capturing El Obeid would represent far more than a symbolic victory. It would provide a direct land bridge between territories under its influence in Darfur and operational areas in Kordofan while strengthening its ability to project power deeper into central Sudan. It would also place substantial pressure on Sudanese Armed Forces positions throughout the region and could reshape the military balance across western Sudan. This is not the first time the RSF has attempted to isolate or capture El Obeid. The city has remained a strategic objective since the beginning of the conflict, and efforts to encircle it have intensified repeatedly over the past months.

TWU EXPOSURE: SUDAN’S BLOOD, UAE’S GREED, AND THE GENOCIDAL RSF! The world is witnessing a calculated annihilation in Sudan, fueled by the insatiable greed of the United Arab Emirates and executed by the genocidal Rapid Support Forces (RSF). Sudanese Victims Demand Justice: Sudanese survivors have courageously petitioned the International Criminal Court (ICC) to investigate senior Emirati officials and business figures for their direct role in the atrocities committed in Darfur. The Architects of Genocide: This submission explicitly names Mansour bin Zayed Al Nahyan, a vice president of the UAE, for maintaining intimate ties with the RSF and providing the essential financing and logistical support that enables this mass slaughter. A Web of Death: Investigations since mid-2023 have exposed an "airbridge" through Amdjarass in Chad, used to funnel weapons and materiel to the RSF, with the UAE identified as the primary supplier. This complex network of supply lines stretches across Libya, Chad, Uganda, and breakaway regions of Somalia. Under the Guise of Charity: The UAE has been caught funneling weapons to the RSF under the vile cover of "humanitarian aid," while also utilizing UAE-based companies to deploy mercenaries to commit further crimes against the Sudanese people. Targeting the Enablers: Sudanese victims are demanding that the ICC hold accountable not just the foot soldiers of the RSF, but every single individual who financed, facilitated, or supported this campaign of genocide. The evidence of this foreign-backed extermination is overwhelming, documented at the port of Berbera in Somaliland and supported by military bases across the region. Sudan is being bled dry by gold-thieving regimes and mercenary militias, but their day of reckoning is inevitable. Those who profit from the blood of the innocent will face the consequences of their crimes.