Abdel Fattah al-Burhan

#Soudan 🇸🇩 | Al-Burhan : les Forces de soutien rapide n’auront pas leur place dans l’État après la guerre Le président du Conseil de souveraineté de transition, Abdel Fattah Al-Burhan, a affirmé que les Forces de soutien rapide (FSR) n’auront aucun rôle dans l’État soudanais après la fin de la guerre, soulignant que le fait de porter les armes ne permettra à aucune partie d’obtenir des gains politiques. Al-Burhan a déclaré qu’après la guerre, le Soudan devra être reconstruit sans milices au sein des institutions de l’État, précisant que le dialogue national se limitera aux forces politiques et civiles, à l’écart des groupes armés. Il a ajouté que les conclusions du dialogue attendu devront se concentrer sur la construction d’un État fondé sur la justice et l’égalité, et servant les intérêts du peuple soudanais.

The Israeli regime has been reportedly providing covert intelligence and military assistance to the Sudanese army’s rivaling UAE-backed Rapid Support Forces (RSF) militia. Africa Intelligence reported that RSF leadership has had secret high-level military contact with the Israelis since before the start of the war in Sudan. Sudanese army chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and the UAE-backed RSF leader Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, commonly known by his nom de guerre Hemedti, have been in a deadly power struggle since 2023. Hemedti, who was Burhan’s former deputy, secretly visited Tel Aviv in May 2025 and February 2026 for meetings with the Israeli Foreign Ministry’s Africa Division and Israeli officers affiliated with spy agencies, according to the Africa Intelligence report. During the visits to Israel, Hemedti’s two brothers, Abdul Rahim and Algoney, accompanied him. Abdul Rahim is the RSF’s second-in-command. Earlier reports about the links between the RSF leadership and the Israelis emerged in 2022. Israeli newspaper Haaretz and Dutch investigative news outlet Lighthouse reported that a jet delivered sophisticated EU-made phone-surveillance and hacking equipment to the RSF. The jet was linked to former Israeli spy Tal Dilian, founder of the Cyprus-based Intellexa network.

Sudan’s Sovereignty Council chief, Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, has ruled out any role for the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the country’s government or security institutions after the war. Burhan said the RSF must be dismantled as Sudan’s military continues its fight against the paramilitary group, with the conflict having caused a severe humanitarian crisis and mass displacement. #nowafrikareports

Sudan’s Sovereignty Council chief Abdel Fattah al-Burhan rules out any role for the paramilitary Rapid Support Forces (RSF) in the Sudanese state after the war. https://www.trtafrika.com/english/article/6eb181c7ff8a

No Peace Under Fire: Enforcing a Ceasefire is the Only Path to Saving Sudan By Yahya Abnaouf The eyes of the exhausted Sudanese people turn toward the halls of the international community, coinciding with ongoing diplomatic efforts and visits from United Nations delegations and international fact-finding mechanisms aimed at advancing the peace process. However, these efforts—despite their noble importance—continue to clash with the bitter reality citizens face daily: there can be no talk of peace or negotiations while the smoke of bombardment rises, and guns continue to claim the lives of our most valuable asset—the Sudanese people. A Firm Message to the International Community: Beware the Trap of Evasion We address this humanitarian and political appeal to the United Nations, as well as international and regional powers, to warn against repeating failed scenarios. The international community must fully grasp the true nature of the warring factions; both Abdel Fattah al-Burhan and Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemedti) have repeatedly demonstrated their mastery of delay tactics and evasive strategies. Engaging in endless, open-ended negotiation rounds without firm enforcement on the ground entices the conflicting parties to: Exploit negotiations to alter the military landscape: Utilizing cosmetic truces and closed-door sessions to resupply and adjust military tactics at the expense of civilian lives. Buy time to impose a new status quo: Bypassing the aspirations of the people by relying on their exhaustion, effectively turning the humanitarian catastrophe into a bargaining chip. Therefore, approaching both parties with good intentions or diplomatic leniency amounts to indirect participation in prolonging the suffering of the Sudanese people. First: Enforcing a Ceasefire Through Pressure and Resolve Setting priorities to exit this catastrophe requires acknowledging a single truth: enforcing an immediate ceasefire by all available means, even if it requires the use of coercive international leverage and strict sanctions. Peace cannot be piecemeal, nor can temporary, superficial truces be accepted. An immediate and comprehensive cessation of hostilities is a fundamental prerequisite to: Protect civilian lives: Opening safe corridors and ensuring the unhindered delivery of humanitarian aid to all parts of Sudan. Close the door on evasion: Forcing the generals of this war to comply with international and national willpower instead of wasting time. Second: The Structural Roadmap (The Five Pillars) Once the sound of gunfire is silenced, the transition to building political stability must begin immediately through five key steps to ensure Sudan does not slip back into war: A permanent and detailed end to the war: Transitioning from temporary truces to strict, ground-level international and regional monitoring mechanisms to safeguard civilians. Expanding civilian coordination frameworks: Broadening spaces for dialogue among political, civilian, and independent forces to build a national front that reflects the true priorities of the public. A nationally-owned peace process: Crafting an independent Sudanese-Sudanese political track entirely free from the dominance of the armed factions and external influence. Active participation of grassroots forces: Including women, youth, internally displaced persons, refugees, trade unions, and local committees in decision-making to ensure the future is not hijacked. Establishing a civilian democratic transition: Implementing clear transitional arrangements to rebuild Sudanese state institutions on the basis of equal citizenship and the rule of law. Third: Addressing the Historical Root Causes of the Crisis The cessation of hostilities does not mean the end of the Sudanese crisis; rather, it marks the beginning of addressing long-ignored issues that served as the real fuel for this conflict: Marginalization and social justice: Addressing the severe developmental and social disparities between the regions and the center, alongside ensuring the fair distribution of wealth and opportunities. Identity and the constitution: Drafting a permanent social contract and constitution that embraces Sudan’s cultural and ethnic diversity without exclusion. Accountability and the rule of law: Seeking justice for victims and holding accountable anyone who committed war crimes or crimes against humanity against the Sudanese people. There is no reconciliation without justice, and no stability without accountability. Conclusion and a Final Appeal The Sudanese people can no longer endure further political maneuvering. Our appeal to the UN delegation and international envoys is clear and direct: do not fall into the trap of Burhan and Hemedti's delay tactics. Make the strict enforcement of an immediate halt to bombardment—and negotiating under real pressure—the first and only item on your urgent agenda. True peace is not reduced to redistributing power among warlords; it begins with protecting human lives and ends with a civilian state that encompasses all under the rule of law Entering negotiations without a prior ceasefire reflects genuine fears of cementing the status quo or legitimizing a parallel reality that could ultimately lead to fragmentation and the division of the country. In this scenario, dialogue becomes piecemeal among scattered parts of the Sudanese nation, rather than addressing the crisis holistically within a comprehensive national framework. On the other hand, some analysts and mediators argue that political processes and ceasefires often run on parallel tracks, where negotiations serve as a tool to achieve a truce and establish mechanisms for its monitoring. They contend that the absence of any negotiation channel keeps the door firmly shut against any peaceful resolution. However, the primary challenge remains: how to ensure that any partial political or security arrangements do not become steps that solidify the fact accompli and deepen the crisis rather than resolve it. How do you view the optimal framework for international and domestic pressure to enforce a ceasefire as a prerequisite for any future political process?

Over the weekend, the New York Times and Washington Post both reported on a “dossier of evidence” that detailed the alleged use of chemical weapons by the Sudanese Armed Forces (SAF). The dossier, “shared by a Middle Eastern intelligence agency”, included images, documents and intercepted messages between Sudanese military officers that described how the army “developed and produced chemical weapons over six months in 2024”. Multiple Sudanese and US sources have told Middle East Eye that the “Middle Eastern intelligence agency” is Israeli, and that the dossier it shared with the media was very similar to one Israel handed to the US government before it sanctioned Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, leader of the SAF, in January 2025.