Atbara

One E-M329 line (E-V1008/Y28099) is common among Ethiosemitic speakers. It’s not Omotic, it originates from a distinct lineage in the Atbara basin, possibly Gobedro LSA-associated, that diverged from the ancestors of Mota’s lineage ~12kya in the Arkinian culture or a related sister group.

ملحق 3: Commercial & Investment Vision for Public Subscription in Sukuk and Shares of the Sudanese Energy Bank Prepared by / Eng. Othman Haider Abdelhadi --- Executive Summary The proposed Sudanese Energy Bank aims to establish a national investment-driven renewable energy ecosystem that transforms ordinary citizens from electricity consumers into direct stakeholders and producers of clean energy. The model is specifically designed for citizens who do not own suitable rooftops for private solar generation, enabling them instead to invest through: Green Energy Sukuk Public Energy Shares Community-Owned Solar Farms Floating Solar Power Plants Pumped Hydro Energy Storage Systems Wind Energy Projects The project combines Islamic finance, public ownership, renewable infrastructure, and long-term sustainable profitability into one strategic national framework. --- 1. Strategic Vision The vision of the Sudanese Energy Bank is to position Sudan as: A regional clean energy hub A renewable electricity exporter A center for solar manufacturing industries A model for public energy ownership in Africa and the Middle East --- 2. Investment Products A. Green Energy Sukuk Sharia-compliant investment instruments representing proportional ownership in energy-generating assets. Proposed Sukuk Categories Sukuk Type Purpose Investment Duration Expected Annual Return Solar Farm Sukuk Utility-scale solar plants 7–15 years 12%–20% Floating Solar Sukuk Solar systems on reservoirs 10–20 years 15%–22% Pumped Hydro Sukuk Water storage energy systems 15–25 years 18%–25% Wind Energy Sukuk Wind farm developments 10–20 years 14%–23% --- B. Public Energy Shares Low-cost shares designed for mass public participation. Key Features Affordable entry value Tradable within national markets Annual or semiannual dividends Transferable and inheritable Accessible to citizens inside and outside Sudan --- 3. Why Sudan? Sudan possesses exceptional renewable energy advantages: One of the world’s highest solar irradiation levels Vast desert lands suitable for mega solar projects Long Red Sea coastline with strong wind potential Large water reservoirs and dams Growing electricity demand Limited traditional grid coverage These advantages create ideal conditions for large-scale renewable infrastructure investments. --- 4. Utilization of Sukuk and Share Capital A. Large-Scale Solar Farms Proposed Locations Dongola Atbara Port Sudan Northern State River Nile State Advantages Extremely high solar exposure Low land acquisition cost Ease of future expansion Strategic proximity to transmission corridors --- B. Floating Solar Power Plants Concept Deploy floating photovoltaic systems over: Dams Reservoirs Artificial lakes Water storage basins Strategic Benefits Reduced water evaporation Improved panel efficiency through natural cooling Efficient use of unused water surfaces Lower land dependency Potential Sites Merowe Dam Roseires Dam Jebel Aulia Dam --- 5. Pumped Hydro Energy Storage Instead of Conventional Batteries Strategic Energy Storage System Operational Model During Daytime Excess solar electricity is used to pump water into elevated storage reservoirs. During Nighttime Stored water is released through turbines to generate stable electricity after sunset. --- Why This Model is Ideal for Sudan Factor Conventional Batteries Pumped Hydro Storage Lifespan 5–12 years 50–100 years Long-Term Cost Very High Significantly Lower Import Dependency High Low Scalability Limited Excellent Environmental Impact Higher Lower --- Strategic Outcome This model enables Sudan to achieve: Stable 24-hour electricity supply Reduced diesel dependence Lower energy storage costs Long-term national energy security --- 6. Wind Energy Expansion Proposed Wind Energy Zones A. Southern Red Sea Coast Red Sea State Advantages: Consistent wind speeds Excellent coastal conditions Access to maritime infrastructure --- B. Dongola Advantages: Strong seasonal winds Large open landscapes High integration potential with solar farms --- 7. Expected Investor Returns Example Scenario If an investor contributes: USD 1,000 in Energy Sukuk With an average annual return of: 18% Projected growth: Year Approximate Value 1 USD 1,180 5 USD 2,287 10 USD 5,233 genui{"math_block_widget_always_prefetch_v2":{"content":"A=P(1+r)^n"}} --- 8. Revenue Sources of the Sudanese Energy Bank Primary revenue streams include: Residential electricity sales Industrial power supply contracts Mining sector electricity supply Government infrastructure agreements Future electricity exports Carbon credit trading Grid stabilization services Energy storage operations --- 9. National Economic Impact Direct Benefits Employment Creation The project will create large-scale jobs in: Engineering Manufacturing Installation Logistics Maintenance Construction --- Industrial Localization Future industrial opportunities include: Solar panel manufacturing Electrical cable industries Steel structure fabrication Transformer manufacturing Renewable energy component assembly --- Currency and Economic Stability The project contributes to: Reducing fuel imports Lowering diesel consumption Supporting national currency stability Enhancing energy independence --- 10. Proposed Institutional Structure The following entities may operate under the umbrella of the Sudanese Energy Bank: 1. Sudanese Solar Farms Company 2. Sudanese Energy Storage Company 3. Sudanese Wind Energy Company 4. Sudanese Energy Exchange 5. Sudan Green Investment Fund --- 11. International Financing Opportunities Potential strategic partners include: Islamic Development Bank African Development Bank World Bank Global Climate Funds Gulf Sovereign Wealth Funds International Renewable Energy Investors --- 12. Long-Term Vision Within 15–25 years, Sudan can potentially become: A regional renewable energy powerhouse A major exporter of clean electricity A renewable manufacturing center A leading African model for public energy ownership --- Conclusion The public subscription model of the Sudanese Energy Bank is not merely an electricity project. It represents: A national economic transformation strategy A sustainable infrastructure platform A public wealth-generation mechanism A long-term energy security solution A pathway toward industrial and financial independence By integrating public investment, renewable energy, and strategic infrastructure, Sudan can build one of the most ambitious clean energy economies in Africa and the Middle East.

كتبتك في القمر عنوان وشلتك للبيوت افراح 😔🤎 اكوسك في شراع مشدود ...احسك في مساري غرام 🤎😔 بدسك كنت في حسي ...وفي لب الخلايا سماح مشيتي الليلة واحتارت معاك شتلة غناي الراح 🤎🥺 تفاصيل سيشن أوت دور دور عرسان 🤗🤗🤗♥️ ارقام الحجوزات ♥️✨ 0909900376 0125266999 #ربنا_يصلح_حال_البلاد✨ #اصنع_لنفسك_طريق_ولاتتبع_طرق_الاخرين✨ #السودان #عطبرة #تصوير #sudan #atbara #photo #photography #camer

21 October 1964. Khartoum. Police stormed a student meeting at Khartoum University. By nightfall, the streets were full. Doctors. Lawyers. Teachers. Students. They declared a general strike. Offices, factories and transport shut down across the country. The strikes spread from Khartoum to Port Sudan, Atbara, Wad Medani, El Obeid. Every major city joined within days. 5 days. 34 dead. One military dictator removed. General Abboud dissolved the military council. Elections followed six months later. Sudan's second democratic era began. One detail history rarely mentions — the speech that sparked the revolution was delivered at Khartoum University by a young lawyer named Hassan al-Turabi. The same man who 25 years later would architect the 1989 coup that ended Sudan's third democratic era. Sudan brought down a military dictator in 1964. Not with weapons. With a general strike. Sudan's people have done this before. More than once. SOURCE — African Arguments 2014 / Waging Nonviolence 2012 / Global Nonviolent Action Database #Sudan #OctoberRevolution #SudanHistory #SudanArchives #Khartoum #1964 #Democracy #GeneralStrike #AfricanHistory #OnThisDay

This article is dedicated to Dr. Taha Bamkar, a distinguished expert and university professor in economics and planning. Book History of the Beja tribes of the Sudan A. Paul 1953 Britain p64 Chapter VII The Arab Infiltrators At some time in the 9th century A.D. there began a slow and by no means a continuous process of infiltration by Arab tribes, never at any time of great proportions, yet sufficiently pronounced as to result eventually in all the Beja peoples becoming Moslem. The earliest arrivals were not however Moslem, and are said to have been a fragment of a Himyarite tribe which came by way of Red Sea from Shihr in Southern Arabia and settled among the Beja of the Atbai and Sinkat hills, intermarrying with them, and acquiring predominance partly by virtue of superior culture, and partly by reason of the matrilineal system of succession in vogue among them.... Their arrival prior to the Hegira is well established, for they are later spoken of as Jacobite Christians who were converted to Islam only after the appearance of Arab invaders from Egypt in the 9th century. These immigrants, to give them the name by which they were most commonly known by Arab writers and travellers, were the Hadareb, a Beja corruption of Hadarma, or inhabitants of the Hadramaut. To the Beja, however, they were as commonly known as the Bellou by the reason of the fact that on arrival they spoke a strange tongue, the Beja for which (as it still is) was Bellaweit, though it was not until they had been driven south from the Atbai in the 15th century that the latter name replaced the former in common usage. Thus, though they are indeed one and the same people, the use of two different names at different times have given rise to confusion and assumption that they were two, a confusion, which, however, never existed in local minds. “It is well known", says the Amarar historian, “that the Bellawiyan are Arabs who came from Arabia before the main immigration of the Arabs to the Sudan, and dwelt in the Beja and mingled with them." (Sudan government archives) Most writers have been content to classify them as Beja which, in some sense, after centuries of intermarriage with genuine Beja tribes they indeed became, the Himyarite strain in their blood gradually disappearing. Described variously as Belo, Ballaw, and Balau, sections have been traced as far south as Harar, and they have been identified, wrongly, with the Kelew, an autochtonous Beja tribe at one time living in the Gash and Barka valleys, and also as a Beja tribe from the Tigrean plateau with Abyssinian connections, which drifted to the western lowlands some time in the 14th century. Longrigg yet again states: ‘that these (the Belu) were of Beja origin is certain; that they entered Eritrea as pagans and soon (at the latest by the 15th cent) adopted Islam on the coast, and Christianity elsewhere, not less so’. (A short history of Eritrea p 32) This description is not altogether accurate. It is not improbable, as Rossini believes, that there 1 were at least two groups of Bellou, a northern one, the Hadareb of the Atbai and the Sinkat hills, and a southern one, which was the nucleus of the Bellu kingdom which flourished between the latitudes of Suakin and Massawa from how early on is not known, and whose fortunes will be traced in a later chapter. (Munzinger dates the rise of this kingdom as ca 1370) Kirwan (A.A.A., Vol. xxiv, p74-5) advances the theory that the name Bellou derives from Blemmyes. This demonstrably untrue in that the Bellou were Himyarites who emigrated from Southern Arabia in the 6th cent A.D. and could therefore have no previous connection with the Hamitic Beja. Idrisi who infers that they had something to do with the Rum (Greeks?) is obviously mistaken and confused by the fact of their Jacobite Christianity. Munzinger says that they came from the north in the 15th century. p66 So far as the history of what is now Eritrea is concerned that is correct, for it was about this time that they were driven south from the Atbai and then from the Sinkat area. Crawford rightly attributes to them an Arabian origin, but, failing to connect them with the Hadareb, dates their arrival some 8 centuries too late. (The Funj kingdom of Sennar, 1950, p.111-2)..... It is necessary also to distinguish between the medieval Hadareb (the Bellou) and their modern counterparts so unflatteringly described by 19th century visitors to the Sudan, mainly Arteiga, Ashraf and others, who by then were predominantly Beja by blood, but including also large numbers of half-caste Beja, the result of intermarriage with Turks, Egyptians, Circassians, Bosnians, etc., all rag-tag....Osman Digna was not untypical product of Hadareb society... It would appear from the little that is known of them at this period the Hadareb cannot have arrived in any great number although they acquired the status of a ruling caste, they failed to establish their own language and, from being idolaters, imitated the Beja in adopting a form of Christianity. Their Arabian origin manifests itself in their possession of horses, animals which the Beja at all times have heartily disliked, and Idrisi, the only Arab writer of the time to speak of them as Bellou, and not Hadareb, says: " The neighbourhood of Assuan is invaded by black horsemen called Belliyun, and it is claimed they had been Christians since the time of the Egyptians. They wander in the desert between the Beja and the Habash, and come as far as Nubia. p 69 The historian Yagoubi, writing at the end of 9th cent A.D. names six Beja kingdoms lying between Assuan and Massawa. (FN Kitab al Buldan pt I, p218-9. The very frequent use by chroniclers of the terms 'king' and 'kingdom' is misleading, and a truer picture emerges if for 'king' we read 'chief' and for kingdom 'district'.) (1) Tankish, extending from Assuan to Khor Baraka, and inhabited by various tribes, Hadareb, Zenafig, Arbagda, and others. In this kingdom were mines of gold, emeralds, and marble. (2) Belgin, a land of many cities, inhabited by pagans who were also magicians and plucked out their eye-lashes and front incisor teeth.. (3) Bazin, bordering on Belgin and the Nubian kingdom of Aloa. (4) Jarin, extending from Badi' on the Red Sea to Khor Baraka, and ruled by a powerful king. 2 (5) Qita'a, between Badi' and Feikun, very difficult of access. (6) Nagash, whose capital Ka'bir was on the coast near Dahlak, and whose inhabitants were merchants and Christians. The only one of these which can be identified with certainty is Tankish, with its population of Hadareb and their vassals, the Zenafig, of whom Makrizi, writing much later, and quoting Ibn Selim el Assuani (c. 970 A.D., on p 64n), states: ' Among them (the Beja) are another race, the Zenafig, more numerous than the Hadareb, but subject to them. They act as servants and guards and supply them with cattle, and every chief of the Hadareb has among his followers peoples of the Zenafig, who are as slaves whom they inherit.' (Burchhardt, Travels in Nubia, 1822, p389). p 70 This is clearly a description of the caste system brought with them from Arabia by the Hadareb, like the Sabeans before them, and which in some parts was to survive until well into the 20th century. The Hadareb were thus a ruling caste who, by reason no doubt of their Arab blood, were early converts to Islam (though Masudi remarks that they were very poor Moslems) whereas their serf tribes remained idolaters, with some veneer of Christianity, until sometime in 14th century. .... Hadjar, Dherbe, or Hejer, the Beja capital, was said by Yagoubi (end of 9th century) to be situated in the extremity of the island of Beja, and has been placed by some authorities as far south as the angle between the Baraka and the Anseba. (p 68 ... Anseba Ibn Ishak, the last of the Arab governors of Egypt, sent against them (Beja 9 a carefully prepared expedition under Mohammad Abdullah Ibn Gami' (after 854 A.D. Beja rise against Egypt). p 72 The Rabi'a, the Guhayna, and the Mudr were not, however, the only Arab settlers in the Beja country during this period. Towards end of 7th century a small group of the Hawazin crossed the Red Sea into Hammasien, where they acquired the name of Halenga, and whence they were later expelled by the enmity of the local inhabitants. By following the valley of the Mereb (the Gash) they eventually reached Taka and settled at the vicinity of the hill of To Lus (Kassala) and thus have the distinction of being the first Moslem Arabs to settle among the Beja. The tribes whom they found there have since disappeared, and there is reason to believe that at that time the Haffara and the Karabkinab were the principal tribes of the area... p73 The Beja of the Atbai were to be brought into yet closer contact with the outer world from now on by the development of the small port of Aidhab as a pilgrim station and as a principal entrepot for the far east trade up the Red Sea to Egypt China trade flourished.... New prosperity was brought to Aidhab in the 12th century by the closing of the overland pilgrim routes by the Crusaders of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem. The port was thought to be beyond Christian reach (a miscalculation as Renauld de Chatillon's galleys raided it in 1183. (Newbold, 'The crusaders in the Red Sea and the Sudan', S.N.R. Vol. XXVI (2), 1945, p 221), and it developed despite its unpleasant climate and situation, on account of a deep-water roadstead close inshore, and the absence of offshore reefs. The Beja were not slow to profit by this prosperity. They conducted caravans through 3 the desert to and from Kus, and made themselves responsible for local supplies such as milk, water, and firewood, and since they controlled the hinterland and could make trade impossible, they claimed successfully to share the port revenues with the governor appointed by the sultan of Egypt. Ibn Batuta, who visited it in 1316, reports that the king of the Beja (called El Hidirbi, a title, not a name) collected two thirds of the imports through his agent, where the sultan received one third only. Even so the persons and property of pilgrims were far from being safe. Many died of the hardships of the desert journey, in which they were deliberately misled and robbed by their Beja guides, and in 1316, shortly before Ibn Batuta's visit, the ambassador of the Yemen and a large caravan of merchants were seized and plundered of all they had..... Of the Hadareb who controlled it (Aidhab) Makrizi says they were as beasts, wild animals rather than men, and that the pilgrims who survived the rigours of the double passage and the desert journey (and they were few) had the appearance of men but lately rescued from the grave... p76 In years of famine and want the Beja were apt to come raiding as they had done in Roman times, or to cut the trade routes from Aidhab to Kus, and on such occasions retaliation was necessary. Otherwise the sultans were content to let well alone, and from 1187 onwards, after Saladin had crippled the power of the Latin Kingdom of Jerusalem at Hattin, the pilgrim route to Aidhab became of very much less importance. p 76 Its end came in 1426 when the Mamluke sultan Bars Bey punished the plunder of a caravan carrying gifts to Mecca by an expedition which destroyed the port, and with it the power of the Hadareb in the Atbai. ... The fortunes of the Hadareb had been in decline ever since the middle 14th century, when the gold and emerald mines became exhausted and were abandoned in the reign of Mohammad Hassan Ibn Kala'oun. The destruction of Aidhab completed a process already begun. Many of the Hadareb fled south, and there must have taken place something in the nature of a tribal resurgence resulting in the emergence of the tribes we know today. Legend agrees that the Besharin drove the Bellou (as they should now be called) from the Atbai late in 15th century, though they remained still in the hills round Erkowit and Sinkat, retaining some of their serfs, and possibly acquiring others until about mid 16th century, when the Fung first appeared in the scene. A Fung expedition force is alleged to have defeated the combined forces of the Bellou and Arteiga in a battle fought at the gates of Suakin as early as 1506, and to have occupied the port. I consider this to have been quite impossibly. Omara Dunkas, the first of the Fung kings, had established his kingdom in the Gezira with the help of the Abdullab only two years previously, and it is extremely improbable that his armies should have ravaged so far so soon. The eastward expansion of the Fung, or rather of the Abdullab, occurred in the time of the great Mangilak, El Agib Abdullah, who defeated the Bellou in about 1580 or even earlier, who is reputed to have spent much of his time at Suakin, and to have been responsible for the digging of the water tank now known as Haffir el Fula. 4 p77 The Turks occupied Suakin in 1520 to find that the Arteiga had succeeded the Bellou as the masters of the port. The latter were steadily becoming less powerful, and about this time also the Hadendowa, according to tribal legend originally a warrior clan only forty strong, drove them south into the hill country beyond Khor Baraka. Legend also makes a certain Sheik el Telu (Shaikatel) who had given his name to a mountain north-west of Sinkat, a king of the Bellou, and father-in-law of the Hadendowi hero who killed him and expelled his people. Their alleged pedigree is as follows: Mohammed. Hadab (the lion) (Sherifi) = d. of Shaikatel, chief of the Bellou Mohammedd. Mubarak (Barakwin the fearless) = Hadat b. Mohammedd. el'Alawi (Sherifia) The Hadendowa FN The name Hadendowa is thence supposed to derive from 'hadabendowa' =the lion people, or Hadatendowa = Hadat's people. Another explanation not inconsistent with the tribal view of itself is that it simply means 'hada endowa' = the best or first people.... p78 Bent, on the other hand, holds that the name (Saba'ia) indicates an Axumite origin, but I myself am inclined to agree with Floyer that they are named from Jebal Saba'i in the eastern desert of Egypt at the source of the Wadi Zeidun, where there were iron mines. They were said to be obtainable only from a tribe of women who had the secret of their manufacture, had intercourse only with their clients, and killed all male children at birth. The majority of the Beja converted to Islam in the course of the 14th and 15th centuries, and accordingly found it politic to adopt a proper Arab ancestry....With the adoption of Islam they abandoned the matrilinear system and in doing so, 'their women', says Murray, 'had lost in freedom but gained in morality'. (The sons of Ishmael, 1935, p. 22) THE SUBJECTION OF THE TIGRE (750-1700) p 80 The Almada, ca 36,000 in Eritrea, appear for a short time at least, to have established a kingdom on the coast between Massawa and Agig, and, even after their overthrow and enserfment by the Beit Asgade´ in the early 16th century, seem to have retained something of their greater past, so that aristocratic castes had no scruples about taking their daughters in marriage. It is tempting to suppose that they might be none other than the Almodad, one of the lost tribes of the Joktan, of which, however, no evidence exists other than the suggestive similarity of their names, and they themselves declare that they are descendents of one Mahmoud el Madai, from whom also stem the tribes of Meikal and the Red and Black Targeila. The Hammasien and the Ad Fadil say they are the result of the union of a certain Mahmoud Abu Makrouh with a Bellou girl, and Abhasheila claim to be kin to the Beit Ma'ala on the distaff side, and the Rigbat have the misfortune to trace descent from Abdullah Ibn Abu Bakr el Siddiq, whom everyone knows to have died childless... To this period belongs the rise and decline of the port of Badi' on the island of Erie some 15 miles south of the present village of Agig. It appears to have flourished between the years 600 and 1150 circa, to have been suddenly abandoned, and have been a ruin by end 12th century. 5 Its inhabitants are of mixed Arab origin intermingled with some local (Beja) blood, who traded in local products as tortoise-shell, pearls, ivory and alabaster. There remain of the port today only a number of underground cisterns, used by the herdsmen who graze their flocks on the island during the winter rains. In the early 16th century the Beit Asgade, founders of the Habab and other tribes of Eritrea, descended from the high plateaus of Akele Guzai and succeeded in overrunning the tribes of the coastal country between the Anseba and the Sea, and in establishing themselves as their feudal overlords. In this they but aped the Bellou, at that time still the dominant authority in the area between Suakin and the district of Mazaga, at the confluence of the Atbara and the Setit, and also in the hinterland behind Massawa. This is very much the territory assigned to them by John Senex in his map dated 1709, and Sir Peter Wynche in 'A Short Relation of the River Nile', of Royal Society in 1673.. from Jesuit Lobo 1626....Winches speaks of Suakin as an island occupied by Turks but: 'of natural right belonging to a Powerful and warlike King whose Kingdom is called Bellow (anciently Negran), the Inhabitants are moors, the men, horses, and sheep the fairest I have ever seen; the water melons the most delicious I have ever tasted' (The Gwineb of Suakin, still noted for its water melons, p. 3-4)' this would appear to show that the Bellou still controlled the hinterland behind Suakin in early 17th century, though I do not think that there can be any doubt that they were in fact driven out by the Abdullab before 1600. The explanation lies in the fact that Fra Lobo obtained most of his information from Abyssinian sources, and followed them in referring to all tribes of Eastern Sudan generally as Bellou. The horses and the men who aroused his enthusiasm were probably a detachment of the famous Fung cavalry. (The Abyssinian chronicles refer frequently to raids on the Balaw along the western frontier from Suakin to the Blue Nile, and it is clear from the context that they mean in fact either the Fung, or the tribes on the eastern boundaries of the Fung, referred to by the latter as the Sobaha.) The discomfiture of the Bellou at the hands of the Fung, or more probably of the Abdullab, took place about 1580, when they were defeated decisively in a three day battle at Asarmaderhib in the hills behind Agig. Their king, Mohammed Idris Adara, was killed, and they were driven, a broken remnant, to take refuge in the environs of Massawa, where they still remain. The Abdullab army had contained a contingent of Sha'adinab/Jaalin who remained behind when the raiders withdrew, and like the Beit Asgede before them, imposed themselves as a ruling caste upon the serf peoples whom the Bellou had abandoned, and whom they now designated (themselves included) as Beni Amer. According to tribal legend the name derives from Amer, whose father Ali Nabit, a wandering holy man of mixed Jaaliin and Melhitkinab descent, had met his death at the hands of the Bellou after having married the granddaughter of Mohammed Idris Adara. Amer, when he grew to manhood, is supposed to have led the army which revenged his father's death, and the 6 Jaaliin interlopers adopted the name of Nabtab (derived from Nabit) to distinguish themselves from their subject peoples. The caste system which they, the only true descendants of Amer, now adopted and imposed was much more rigorous than any which had preceded it, and while they adopted the language of their inferiors, intermarriage was forbidden, and caste distinctions between Nabtab and Tigre´(as the serf peoples now came to be called) were most strictly enforced. The pulverization and dispersion of the indigenous tribes was not yet, however, even now at an end. About the middle 17th century a group of Melhitkinab migrated from the Gash to the Red Sea as a result of a blood feud, and settled in the coast south of Agig, where they embarked on a long conflict with the Beit Behalyai (an aristocratic caste of the Habab related to the Beit Asgede) ending in the virtual extermination of the latter and the transfer of their serfs to their victors, and, in an even greater degree, to the Nabtab of the Beni Amer. The new tribal group thus created came to be known as the Aflanda, and its aristocracy as the Egeilab. It was about this time also that tribes such as the Haffara, Sinkatkinab, Labat, and Karabkinab, whether as a result of Bellou pressure or of that of other Beja tribes beyond them, removed into what is now the Agordat district, where they still remain. Thus by end of 17th century or about, the whole coastal region between Khor Baraka and Massawa came to be occupied by three main tribal groups, the Habab, the Beni Amer, and the Aflanda, each consisting of a small, alien, superior caste imposing itself by force of arms on a very much larger number of indigenous serf peoples. p83 The decisive factor of these conquests (as also in medieval Europe) was the strong arm of the mail-clad horsemen. The Beja have always a strong instinctive dislike of horses, animals which they have never been able to control or acclimatize, and they scorn all forms of protective armour other than their bull hide shields, relying for effectiveness in battle on speed, agility, surprise, and ferocity in attack. p. 84 The warriors of Beit Asgede, Sha'adinab and Abdullab wore helmets and chain armour, and their horses were protected also by skirts of thick quilting. Against them the naked Beja spearmen on foot stood little chance, and although the Hadendowa repulsed the Fung, the less warlike, meeker Tigre tribes succumbed easily, and fearful memories of the mailed and panoplied horsemen could scatter them like sheep are still alive in them today. FN There is a vivid description of the Fung cavalry in Bruce, who saw four hundred of them in camp near Sennar with the Vizier Adlan in 1772. (Travels to discover the source of the Nile Vol iii, 1805, p352) The ruling castes of the Beni Amer and Aflanda being of Arab origin and Mohammedans, the conversion of their vassal tribes to Islam followed fairly rapidly, but among the Habab Christianity of a sort was to linger on into the 19th century.... The caste system which the Nabtab enforced on their vassal tribes for some three centuries to come was borrowed in its entirety from their forerunners the Bellou who brought the system with them from the Hadramaut-a system which in far earlier times had been imposed on the Hamitic tribes south of Khor Baraka by immigrants from Southern Arabia and the nobility of Axum. 7 The aristocratic caste of Nebtab had, however, the reputation of enforcing caste distinctions much more rigorously than others, and so provide the classic example of the domination exercised by a small but extremely powerful ruling caste over a very much larger subject population... The relationship between master and serfs (the Tigre) was a purely personal one. All Tigre were born into serfdom as the serfs of individual members of the Nebtab nobility, a state of social inferiority from which there was no legitimate means of escape. Their condition, however, was not that of pure slavery: they had certain recognized rights, might own cattle and other property, and might not be sold or alienated by their masters, although transfer of serfs was practised in such transactions as marriages and blood settlements. If a serf was injured or killed by a Nabtabi the matter was one for adjustment with his master by payment of compensation, and should a serf kill a Nabtabi he was not himself punished, but his master was required to make restitution by transfer of the offender and five of his relatives to the dead man's family. The system in theory, and at its best in practice, was, however, one of mutual obligation, and serfs paid tribute, and rendered certain aids and services, in return for protection, and in particular provision of a marriage portion and customary gifts on the occasion of births, circumcisions, and other ceremonies. One of its most striking features was the complete fragmentation of the serf class, and it is probable that in this the aristocracy carried out a deliberate policy of splitting up serf groups with the object of keeping them weak and divided, so that it was possible to find serfs of one small clan widely scattered among several Nebtab sections, and under control of different masters. At the same time they enjoyed a considerable degree of physical freedom, and it was unusual for Nabtab and serfs to share the same encampments or grazing grounds. The lordly, indolent Nabtabi rarely went far afield, but the serfs, continually in search of water and grazing for cattle, ranged far and wide, and were often so far beyond effective react that it might seem surprising that any connection was maintained at all. This was provided. p. 86 This was provided for in the appointment of a Nabtabi as ba'ala'ad or 'master of the camp' for the purpose of settling disputes, keeping the serfs in order, and entertaining guests. His tent was pitched in the centre of the camp, and he was entitled to a fee from the father of every girl married in the encampment. Herding the milking of the cattle were among the main services rendered by a Tigre, for by custom no Nabtabi might milk, and this remained until recently the principal distinction between those of aristocratic and serf origin. It was a distinction which applied to cattle only, the reason very possibly being that the Nabtab, coming from camel-owning stock, knew nothing about cattle, and left the herding and milking of them to the serfs to whom originally they belonged, so that in time the fact that the Nabtab never milked came to have the force of a caste distinction. 8 Among the Tigre themselves there is a division into those who milk and those who do not, and as far as can be ascertained those who do are the Almada, Asfada, and some others, and those who do not are the Hamassien, Abhasheila, and the Wilinnoho. As to how this division arose no one appears to be certain, but it is probable that they were not in origin serfs but only became so when they sought the protection of, or were defeated by, one of the dominant castes. Serfs were allowed always to own cattle and other animals, and in this respect many of them became wealthier than their masters, but they were under obligation at all times to supply cattle for milking, butter and other products on demand, and on occasions such as marriages and funerals had to produce animals for slaughter, milk or other products in kind, as well as personal labour, and when their master moved camp they provided animals for his transport. Latterly many of these obligations had fallen into disuse. Gifts of butter were offered rarely, and the custom of gifts on ceremonial occasions was more strictly observed by the serfs among themselves than between them and the Nebtab. The outward signs of serfdom had also become much less common, and it was often impossible at first sight to distinguish between some serfs and their masters. Dress, weapons, and the use of animals became more taste matter and convenience than of custom, and it was latterly no longer obligatory for a serf to refrain from riding a horse, wearing a turban or a sword, or from using a riding saddle on his camel. Intermarriage was, however, unknown, at least among the Sudan Nebtab, who have always taken exceptional pride in the elaboration of their marriage ceremonies and the higher dowries required for Nebtab girls..... p. 87 In the advent of Egyptian govt, the levy for the Diglel was replaced by a fixed tribute, and section chiefs were appointed c. 1850, the system did not greatly alter save that the serfs had now to pay twice, once to the official chief, and again to the Shirfaf. This system applied to all Tigre speaking peoples who, at one time or another, fell under the domination of the Nebtab, and the Bellou when they fled south to Massawa, either abandoned, or were deserted by, the bulk of their serf followers.... p. 89 The name the various clans have the collective names known as Hadareb, the same the Bellou were known as,...is probably the name Hadareb was mistakenly applied to them on account of their language and previous association with the Bellou.... By contrast the Hadareb are in every way more nearly akin to the northern Beja tribes, whose language they speak; as shy and aloof as the Tigre, but for different reasons; impatient of interference, tough, independent and self-sufficient to a degree. Yet the kinship is there, not only between them and the Tigre, but with other Hamitic groups... p. 90 The Beni Amer are not therefore, a tribe at all in the correct sense of the word, consisting as they do of two widely distinct Beja groups, the one until recently dominated very closely, the other hardly at all, by a small, alien aristocracy. When, therefore, some authorities talk about typical Beni Amer they are describing something 9 which does not exist, for depending upon from which group they made their selection, the subject matter might be a typical Tigre of Hamitio-Semitic origins, a Hadarbi, of a much poorer Hamitic strain closely akin to the more ancient Beja peoples, or else a Nabtabi of predominantly Arab blood, or much diluted by intermarriage with other tribes of admitted aristocratic strain, such as Arteiga, Ashraf, and Ad Sheik. p. 92 Don Juan de Castro wrote in 1540 of the Beja ' they are never at peace with their neighbors, but continually at war with everybody. They have no king or great Lord over them, but are divided into Tribes and Parties, over each of which there is a Sheykh. They build no Towns, nor other fixed habitations; their Custom being to wander from one place to another with their cattle' (Kennedy Cooke, 'The Red Sea Coast in 1540', S N R Vol. xvi (2), 1933) The 16th century, therefore, repeats in other authentic and credible from accounts from earlier ages, and the wandering nomad Beja, carrying war into the Nile valley, raiding each others' herds, admitting, within the limits of their power, no central control, and fighting continuously over grazing and water, are as they always were, still are today, and no doubt always will be. p 93 This particular age, though largely unchronicled, was for them one of unusual ferment, and tribal units as we know them today, the Amarar, the Besharin, and the Hadendowa, which were in process of emergence and consolidation, had to fight strenuously for survival not only among themselves, but also against the attempts of the Fung kingdom in the south-west to extend its influence into the Red Sea hills. The extent to which the Sultanete of Sennar made its power felt in the Eastern Sudan is by no means clear, and its attempts to extend the limits of authority were only partially successful. Repeated expeditions were against the Beja, possibly in an attempt to discover and exploit the Red Sea gold mines. In this they were unsuccessful. They failed also to reduce the outpost tribe of Hadendowa, at that time a small, but exceedingly aggressive clan, who occupied the hill country round Sinkat and Erkowit, whence they had only shortly before expelled the Bellou, the Sinkatkinab, and others who are now classed as Beni Amer. The Fung failed to penetrate to the Atbai, but as related in the previous chapter they had better fortune farther south against opponents less warlike than the northern tribes. There they succeeded, c. 1600, in establishing a vassal administration (the Beni Amer) in the hills south of Khor Baraka, and it seems reasonably certain that they held the line of the Atbara with posts at Asubri and Goz Regeb, and from there dominated the Gash and Setit tribes, the Halanga, Hamran and others. Furthermore the Arab aristocracy who had imposed themselves by the sword over a large Beja serf population, and now called themselves the Beni Amer, relied, at least to begin with, on their support. Their chief (who came to be known as the Diglel) was given a horned cap and the title of Mangil; as late as 1730 the question of the succession was referred to Sennar for settlement, and the Abdullab chronicle states that the Abdullab were the overlords of ten districts of the Sobaha (i.e. the tribes of the Eastern Sudan) including the Nabtab, Halenko and Homran. (Penn, 'Traditional stories of the Abdullab tribes' S.N.R. Vol. xvii (1) 1934, p 64). 10 p.95 ...Agib the Mangilak killed at the battle of Kalkol in 1611, it is possible to establish the existence of the Besharin and Hadendowa as fully developed tribes with clearly distinct sub- sections as early as mid 17th century, or even earlier still. p. 101 .. after the foundation of Kassala, posts were established in the friendly Beni Amer country, and in the newly acquired territory of Boghos, stretching from the Setit to Keren, and also at Goz Regeb and near Aroma in the Gash. That order of a sort was maintained can be gathered from the reports of numerous travellers who visited the country and survived to write their recollections of it,...fear of the Beni Amer of superior weapons of the ' Turks' p 102 The only tribe other than perhaps the Halenga (who soon regretted it) to welcome coming of the Egyptians was the Beni Amer. They were a large unwieldy tribe who found themselves unhappily placed between more warlike peoples, the Abyssinians in the south, and the Hadendowa in the north-west. In this extremity they were prepared to welcome the Egyptians, with whom they duly came to terms in 1848, finding ' in the "Turks", the common enemy of all, a support against the Hadendowas'. (Junker, Travels in Africa, 1890, p 95) p 105 Battle of Gundet 1875, Diglel of the Beni Amer lost his life. p 133 BEJA CHRONOLOGY B.C. ca. 2750 possible date of first exploitation of Eastern Desert gold mines by the VIth Dynasty.. ca 1000-600 approximate date of Sabean colonization of Tigrean highlands.... ca. 110 Invasion of Africa by Abraha 'Dhu el Manar' from the Yemen. A.D. ca. 340 Axum converted to Christianity by Frumentius. Aizanas of Axum destroys Meroe. 525 Himyarite kingdom in the Yemen conquered by Asbaha of Axum. 533 Justin proposes anti-Persian alliance with Axum.. 540 Decisive defeat of the Beja by Silko of Nubia. 550-600 Nominal conversion of Beja to Christianity. ca. 600 Appearance of Badi' as a Red Sea port. Bellou settlement in the Atbai.. 690 Possible date of Halenga settlement in the Gash. 700-800 Decline of Axum. 854 Rising of the Beja, who raided as far as Esna. 900 Approximate date of Yagoubi's description of six Beja kingdoms between Assuan and Dahlak. 1028 First mention of Aidhab as a pilgrim port. ca 1150 Badi' abandoned by its inhabitants. 1183 Aidhab sacked by the Crusaders. 1426 Aidhab destroyed by Bars Bey. ca. 1470 Hadareb (Bellou) driven from the Atbai by the Besharin. 1500-1600 Infiltration of northern Tigre by Bellou and other Beja. 11 1504 Foundation of the Fung kingdom by Omara Dunkas. 1520 Occupation of Suakin and Massawa by Ottoman Turks. 1520-40 Expulsion of Bellou from Sinkat area by the Hadendowa. ca. 1530 Invasion of the Red Sea coast by the Bet Asgade (Habab) 1580 Overthrow of the Bellou by the Nabtab (Beni Amer). 1800 Hadendowa in occupation of Gash and middle Atbara. 1821 Egyptian occupation of Sudan 1823 first Egyptian raid on Taka under the Defterdar. 1823,1836 Further raids by Khurshid Pasha. 1840 Town of Kassala founded by the Egyptians. 1844 Exp of Taka by Ahmed Pasha Menekli. 1848 Egyptian agreement with the Beni Amer. 1872 Munzinger occupies Keren. p. 137 BEJA TRIBES AND SUB-DIVISIONS (3) HADENDOWA Their most important sections are: Wailaliab Samarar Gemilab Hakolab Bushariab Meishab Shara'ab Samarandowab Geri'ab Kalolai Hamdab Beiranab Buglinai Tirik Emirab Shaboidinab Gurhabab Rabamak total 110,000 TOKAR DISTRICT BENI AMER Nabtab Egeilab Tigre: Almada Asfada Targeila Hamasein Abhasheila Meikal Aflanda Wilinnoho Ad Fadil Rigbat Hadareb: Sinkatkinab Labat Hadoigoboiab Libis Ad Kokoi Beit Musa Sogaiet Beit Awat Beit Goreish Ad el Khasa Total 30,000 KASSALA DISTRICT BENI AMER 15,000 p. 140 THE ARTEIGA TRIBES When the Bellou were pushed south in turn of 16th century the Arteiga replaced them as the masters of Suakin, and inherited also from the old Beja name of Hadareb or Hadarba, by which they became known all over the Sudan. 12 The Emir of the Hadarba, who shared the pickings of the port with the Turco-Egyptian governors, was also the chief of the Arteiga, and lived on the mainland with his people who organized trade in slaves and other goods with the interior, and who are remarked on with little favour by Burckhardt at Shendi and elsewhere in 1813.... p. 142 They were also, like the Halenga, until fairly recently a Tigre-speaking people. THE HALENGA p. 144 This small tribe, now ca only 2500 strong, is of interest as being probably the first of the Ishmaelite Arabs to enter the Sudan after conversion of Islam, and by a route entirely different to any others. It is said by some that they are Beni Saad, who crossed the Red Sea in the days of Caliph Abu el Malik Ibn Marwan (A.D. 685-705) but it is more probable that they are of the same stock as the Arabian tribe of Hawazin. According to tribal legend, they settled first in the highlands of Tigre early 8th century and were later expelled by the enmity of the indigenous tribes. At that time the Axum kingdom was in decline, conditions generally were unsettled, and despite the good relations which had existed almost a century before between Axum and Mecca the settlement of a Moslem tribe among a predominantly Christian population could not but have led to discord. The Halenga, thus ousted, fled by way of Mereb (Gash) valley until they came to Taka, where they settled in the vicinity of the great hill of To Lus (Jebal Kassala) and extended their authority and cultivations as far north as Deba'ab (Mekali) in the Gash delta and beyond. Here they intermarried not only with local Beja and Tigre tribes (Beni Amer, Gadein, Bilein, Haffara, Sigolab, Melhitkinab and others) but also with Arabs such as the Abdullab, Ashraf, Rubatab, and Jaaliin, a process which still continues.... p 145 In ca 1780 the Fung sultan, Adlan II, sent an exp against them which was unsuccessful, both its leaders being killed. By late 18th century the Hadendowa, pressing southwards to the Atbara, drove them in on Jebal Kassala and their main settlement of Fakenda, roughly on the same site as present-day town of Kassala, and they were later to earn enduring ill-fame among the Beja by calling in the Egyptians in the hope of redressing their fortunes. The result was the plundering expeditions of Ahmed Pasha Abu 'Udan and Ahmed Pasha el Menekli and the founding of Kassala, and though it is true that for a short time the Halenga enjoyed some prosperity as minor officials and auxiliaries under Turco-Egyptian rule, they paid for it in the Mahdia when they were all but exterminated. Lejean, who visited Kassala in 1860, believed, erroneously, from their language and customs that they were a tribe of the Hamassien, and remarks that they are the only Tigre-speaking tribe whose social system gives equality to all. Source: Carolina Rediviva University Library, Uppsala - Swede

@Englishremnant Morlaix Crècy Mauron Poitiers Agincourt Cravant Verneuil Naseby Vimeiro Corunna Talavera Bussaco Fuentes de Onoro Salamanca Waterloo Rorkes Drift Khambula Abu Klea Atbara Omdurman Kaiserschlacht Battle of Britain Alam El Halfa Imphal Kohima Imjin River- all defensive masterpieces